Bibliography for POLI21222: Politics and Policy-making in the UK

[1]
I. Budge, D. H. McKay, K. Newton, and J. Bartle, The new British politics, Fourth edition. Harlow: Pearson Longman, 2007.

[2]
S. Driver, Understanding British party politics. Cambridge: Polity, 2011.

[3]
B. Jones, British politics: the basics. London: Routledge, 2016.

[4]
R. Heffernan, P. Cowley, C. Hay, and M. Russell, Eds., Developments in British politics 10, 10th edition. London: Palgrave, 2016.

[5]
B. Jones and P. Norton, Eds., Politics UK, Eighth edition. Abingdon: Routledge, 2014.

[6]
A. King, Who governs Britain? London: Pelican, 2015.

[7]
M. Moran, Politics and governance in the UK, Third edition. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

[8]
P. Norton, The British polity, 5th ed. Boston: Longman, 2011.

[9]
S. B. Hobolt, ‘Brexit and the 2017 UK General Election’, JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 56, pp. 39–50, 2018, doi: 10.1111/jcms.12751.

[10]
W. Jennings and G. Stoker, ‘Tilting Towards the Cosmopolitan Axis? Political Change in England and the 2017 General Election’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 3, pp. 359–369, 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12403.

[11]
P. Mair, ‘The Party System’, in The Oxford Handbook of British Politics, M. Flinders, A. Gamble, C. Hay, and M. Kenny, Eds. 2010, pp. 283–302 [Online]. Available: http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199230952.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780199230952-e-16

[12]
G. Tilley and J. Tilley, The New Politics of Class. OUP Oxford [Online]. Available: https://bris.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198755753.001.0001

[13]
O. Heath and M. Goodwin, ‘The 2017 General Election, Brexit and the Return to Two-Party Politics: An Aggregate-Level Analysis of the Result’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 3, pp. 345–358, Jul. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12405.

[14]
P. Lynch, ‘Party System Change in Britain: Multi-Party Politics in a Multi-Level Polity’, British Politics, vol. 2, no. 3, pp. 323–346, Nov. 2007, doi: 10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200071.

[15]
V. Bogdanor, ‘The British General Election of 2015 and the Rise of the Meritocracy’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 1, pp. 39–45, Jan. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12216.

[16]
J. Curtice, ‘General Election 2017: A New Two-Party Politics?’, Political Insight, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 4–8, Sep. 2017, doi: 10.1177/2041905817726889.

[17]
P. Dunleavy and H. Margetts, ‘The Impact of UK Electoral Systems’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 58, no. 4, pp. 854–870, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsi068.

[18]
P. Dunleavy, ‘Facing Up to Multi-Party Politics: How Partisan Dealignment and PR Voting Have Fundamentally Changed Britain’s Party Systems’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 58, no. 3, pp. 503–532, Jul. 2005, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsi049.

[19]
W. Jennings and G. Stoker, ‘The Tilting of Britain’s Political Axis?’, Political Insight, vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 4–7, Dec. 2017, doi: 10.1177/2041905817744604.

[20]
W. Jennings and G. Stoker, ‘The Bifurcation of Politics: Two Englands’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 3, pp. 372–382, Jul. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12228.

[21]
P. Lynch, ‘The Changing Party System’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 58, no. 3, pp. 533–554, Jul. 2005, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsi050.

[22]
R. McKibbin, ‘A Brief Supremacy: The Fragmentation of the Two-Party System in British Politics, c. 1950-2015’, Twentieth Century British History, vol. 27, no. 3, pp. 450–469, Sep. 2016, doi: 10.1093/tcbh/hww006.

[23]
T. Quinn, ‘From Two-Partism to Alternating Predominance: The Changing UK Party System, 1950–2010’, Political Studies, vol. 61, no. 2, pp. 378–400, Jun. 2013, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.2012.00966.x.

[24]
C. Raymond, ‘Why British Politics is Not a Two-Party System’, Political Insight, vol. 7, no. 3, pp. 28–31, Dec. 2016, doi: 10.1177/2041905816680418.

[25]
G. Strohmeier, ‘Does Westminster (Still) Represent the Westminster Model? An Analysis of the Changing Nature of the Uk’s Political System’, European View, vol. 14, no. 2, pp. 303–315, Dec. 2015, doi: 10.1007/s12290-015-0368-0.

[26]
L. Whitehead, ‘The Westminster system: “Model” or “Muddle?”’, pp. 9–38, 2013 [Online]. Available: http://www.tfd.org.tw/export/sites/tfd/files/publication/journal/dj201305/009-038.pdf

[27]
B. D. Hennig and D. Dorling, ‘In Focus: The Revival of Two-Party Politics in Britain’, Political Insight, vol. 9, no. 4, pp. 20–21, Dec. 2018, doi: 10.1177/2041905818815193.

[28]
C. Prosser, ‘The strange death of multi-party Britain: the UK General Election of 2017’, West European Politics, vol. 41, no. 5, pp. 1226–1236, Sep. 2018, doi: 10.1080/01402382.2018.1424838.

[29]
G. Evans and J. Tilley, ‘The Depoliticization of Inequality and Redistribution: Explaining the Decline of Class Voting’, The Journal of Politics, vol. 74, no. 4, pp. 963–976, Oct. 2012, doi: 10.1017/S0022381612000618.

[30]
G. Evans and J. Tilley, ‘How Parties Shape Class Politics: Explaining the Decline of the Class Basis of Party Support’, British Journal of Political Science, vol. 42, no. 01, pp. 137–161, Jan. 2012, doi: 10.1017/S0007123411000202.

[31]
G. Evans and J. Tilley, ‘The new class war: Excluding the working class in 21st-century Britain’, Juncture, vol. 21, no. 4, pp. 298–304, Mar. 2015, doi: 10.1111/j.2050-5876.2015.00821.x.

[32]
P. Surridge, ‘Brexit, British Politics, and the Left-Right Divide’, Political Insight, vol. 9, no. 4, pp. 4–7, Dec. 2018, doi: 10.1177/2041905818815189.

[33]
J. Mellon, ‘Party Attachment in Great Britain: Five Decades of Dealignment’, SSRN Electronic Journal, 2016, doi: 10.2139/ssrn.2745654.

[34]
T. Bale, ‘Change-and Scepticism-as a Constant: Anthony King on Parties and Party Systems’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 89, no. 1, pp. 38–46, Jan. 2018, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12452.

[35]
G. Evans and A. Neundorf, ‘Core Political Values and the Long-Term Shaping of Partisanship’, British Journal of Political Science, pp. 1–19, 2018, doi: 10.1017/S0007123418000339.

[36]
G. Evans and J. Tilley, ‘Ideological Convergence and the Decline of Class Voting in Britain’, in Political choice matters: explaining the strength of class and religious cleavages in cross-national perspective, G. Evans and N. D. de Graaf, Eds. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013 [Online]. Available: https://bris.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199663996.001.0001

[37]
K. Stolz, ‘Should unionists support PR? Electoral systems, party systems and territorial integration in the United Kingdom’, British Politics, Feb. 2018, doi: 10.1057/s41293-018-0075-y.

[38]
N. Allen, ‘A Restless Electorate: stirrings in the political system’’, in Britain at the polls, 2005, Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2006.

[39]
W. Bagehot, The English constitution. London: Collins, 1963.

[40]
J. Bartle, S. Dellepiane-Avellaneda, and J. Stimson, ‘The Moving Centre: Preferences for Government Activity in Britain, 1950–2005’, British Journal of Political Science, vol. 41, no. 02, pp. 259–285, Apr. 2011, doi: 10.1017/S0007123410000463.

[41]
G. Barwell, How to win a marginal seat: my year fighting for my political life. London, [England]: Biteback Publishing, 2016 [Online]. Available: http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/bristol/detail.action?docID=4777998

[42]
L. Baston, Don’t take no for an answer: the 2011 Referendum and the future of electoral reform. London: Biteback, 2011.

[43]
R. E. Best, ‘The declining electoral relevance of traditional cleavage groups’, European Political Science Review, vol. 3, no. 02, pp. 279–300, Jul. 2011, doi: 10.1017/S1755773910000366.

[44]
A. Blau, ‘Fairness and Electoral Reform’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 6, no. 2, pp. 165–181, May 2004, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856X.2004.00132.x.

[45]
S. Birch, H. D. Clarke, and P. Whiteley, ‘Should 16-Year-Olds Be Allowed to Vote in Westminster Elections? Public Opinion and Electoral Franchise Reform’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 68, no. 2, pp. 291–313, Apr. 2015, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsu019.

[46]
J. Blumenau and S. Hix, ‘Britain’s evolving multi-party system(s)’. [Online]. Available: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/britains-evolving-multi-party-systems

[47]
V. Bogdanor and British Academy, The British constitution in the twentieth century. Oxford: Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press, 2003.

[48]
Vernon Bogdanor, The monarchy and the constitution. Oxford: Clarendon, 1997.

[49]
G. Borisyuk, C. Rallings, M. Thrasher, and R. Johnston, ‘Parliamentary Constituency Boundary Reviews and Electoral Bias: How Important Are Variations in Constituency Size?’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 1, pp. 4–21, Jan. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsp016.

[50]
D. Butler and D. Stokes, Political change in Britain: forces shaping electoral choice. London: Macmillan, 1969.

[51]
A. Clark, Political parties in the UK. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

[52]
A. Clark, ‘Public Administration and the Integrity of the Electoral Process in British Elections’, Public Administration, vol. 93, no. 1, pp. 86–102, Mar. 2015, doi: 10.1111/padm.12106.

[53]
J. M. Colomer, ‘It’s Parties that Choose Electoral Systems (Or, Duverger’s Laws Upside Down)’, Political Studies, vol. 53, no. 1, pp. 1–21, Mar. 2005, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00514.x.

[54]
C. Copus, A. Clark, H. Reynaert, and K. Steyvers, ‘Minor Party and Independent Politics beyond the Mainstream: Fluctuating Fortunes but a Permanent Presence’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 62, no. 1, pp. 4–18, Oct. 2008, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsn035.

[55]
I. Crewe, ‘On the Death and Resurrection of Class Voting: Some Comments on’, Political Studies, vol. 34, no. 4, pp. 620–638, Dec. 1986, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.1986.tb01617.x.

[56]
J. Curtice, ‘So What Went Wrong with the Electoral System? The 2010 Election Result and the Debate About Electoral Reform’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 4, pp. 623–638, Oct. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsq018.

[57]
D. Denver, ‘The Results: How Britain Voted’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 68, no. suppl 1, pp. 5–24, Sep. 2015, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv024.

[58]
D. T. Denver, C. J. Carman, and R. Johns, Elections and voters in Britain, 3rd ed. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

[59]
D. T. Denver and M. Garnett, British general elections since 1964: diversity, dealignment, and disillusion. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014.

[60]
F. Devine and M. Sensier, ‘Class, Politics and the Progressive Dilemma’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 1, pp. 30–38, Jan. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12331.

[61]
D. Dutton, British politics since 1945: the rise, fall, and rebirth of consensus, 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell, 1997.

[62]
G. Evans and J. Tilley, ‘How Parties Shape Class Politics: Explaining the Decline of the Class Basis of Party Support’, British Journal of Political Science, vol. 42, no. 01, pp. 137–161, Jan. 2012, doi: 10.1017/S0007123411000202.

[63]
M. Flinders, ‘Majoritarian Democracy in Britain: New Labour and the Constitution’, West European Politics, vol. 28, no. 1, pp. 61–93, Jan. 2005, doi: 10.1080/0140238042000297099.

[64]
O. Gay, P. Schleiter, and V. Belu, ‘The Coalition and the Decline of Majoritarianism in the UK’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 86, no. 1, pp. 118–124, Jan. 2015, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12148.

[65]
A. Geddes and J. Tonge, ‘Introduction: Single Party Government in a Fragmented System’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 68, no. suppl 1, pp. 1–4, Sep. 2015, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv023.

[66]
Hansard Society, Britain votes 2015. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015.

[67]
M. T. Grasso, S. Farrall, E. Gray, C. Hay, and W. Jennings, ‘Thatcher’s Children, Blair’s Babies, Political Socialization and Trickle-down Value Change: An Age, Period and Cohort Analysis’, British Journal of Political Science, pp. 1–20, Jan. 2017, doi: 10.1017/S0007123416000375.

[68]
J. Green and C. Prosser, ‘Party system fragmentation and single-party government: the British general election of 2015’, West European Politics, vol. 39, no. 6, pp. 1299–1310, Nov. 2016, doi: 10.1080/01402382.2016.1173335.

[69]
A. Heath, Understanding political change: the British voter 1964-1987. Oxford: Pergamon, 1991.

[70]
A. Heath, R. Jowell, and J. Curtice, ‘Trendless Fluctuation: A Reply to Crewe’, Political Studies, vol. 35, no. 2, pp. 256–277, Jun. 1987, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.1987.tb01887.x.

[71]
S. Ingle, The British party system: an introduction, Fourth edition. London: Routledge, 2008.

[72]
W. Jennings, ‘Cities and Towns: the 2017 General Election and the Social Divisions of Place’. [Online]. Available: http://neweconomics.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/FINAL-CITIES-AND-TOWNS.pdf

[73]
Johnston, Ron, ‘The British general election of 2010: a three-party contest - or three two-party contests?’, The Geographical Journal, vol. 177, no. 1, pp. 17–26 [Online]. Available: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41238001

[74]
R. Johnston, C. Pattie, and D. Rossiter, ‘A re-dividing nation? A newly polarised electoral geography of Great Britain’, British Politics, vol. 12, no. 4, pp. 521–535, Nov. 2017, doi: 10.1057/s41293-017-0052-x.

[75]
R. Johnston, ‘Which Map? Which Government? Malapportionment and Gerrymandering, UK-Style’, Government and Opposition, vol. 50, no. 01, pp. 1–23, Jan. 2015, doi: 10.1017/gov.2014.25.

[76]
R. J. Johnston, R. J. Johnston, C. J. Pattie, D. Dorling, and D. J. Rossiter, From votes to seats: the operation of the UK electoral system since 1945. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001.

[77]
W. Jou, ‘Influences on Citizens’ Electoral System Preferences: A Comparative Study of Britain and New Zealand’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 69, no. 3, pp. 621–641, Jul. 2016, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv056.

[78]
R. Kelly, ‘It’s Only Made Things Worse: A Critique of Electoral Reform in Britain’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 79, no. 2, pp. 260–268, Apr. 2008, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2008.00915.x.

[79]
D. R. Kiewiet, ‘The Ecology of Tactical Voting in Britain’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties, vol. 23, no. 1, pp. 86–110, Feb. 2013, doi: 10.1080/17457289.2012.755536.

[80]
A. Lebrecht, ‘How Brexit cost the Conservatives their majority’. [Online]. Available: https://www.newstatesman.com/politics/june2017/2017/10/how-brexit-cost-conservatives-their-majority

[81]
A. Lijphart, Democracies: patterns of majoritarian and consensus government in twenty-one countries. London: Yale University Press, 1984.

[82]
D. Marsh, ‘Understanding British Government: Analysing Competing Models’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 251–268, May 2008, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856x.2007.00297.x.

[83]
D. McCrone and F. Bechhofer, Understanding National Identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015 [Online]. Available: https://bris.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316178928

[84]
P. Norris, Electoral change in Britain since 1945. Oxford: Blackwell, 1997.

[85]
G. Evans and P. Norris, Critical elections: British parties and voters in long-term perspective. London: SAGE, 1999.

[86]
R. Pelizzo and Z. Nwokora, ‘Bridging the Divide: Measuring Party System Change and Classifying Party Systems’, Politics & Policy, vol. 44, no. 6, pp. 1017–1052, Dec. 2016, doi: 10.1111/polp.12188.

[87]
R. T. Pettitt, Contemporary party politics. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

[88]
R. Reeves, ‘Labour’s Class Coalitions, Then and Now: A Response to The New Politics of Class by Geoffrey Evans and James Tilley’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 4, pp. 702–706, Oct. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12437.

[89]
A. Renwick, ‘How Likely is Proportional Representation in the House of Commons? Lessons from International Experience’, Government and Opposition, vol. 44, no. 04, pp. 366–384, Jan. 2009, doi: 10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01293.x.

[90]
R. A. W. Rhodes, J. Wanna, and P. M. Weller, Comparing Westminster. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009 [Online]. Available: https://bris.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199563494.001.0001

[91]
D. Sanders, H. D. Clarke, M. C. Stewart, and P. Whiteley, ‘Simulating the Effects of the Alternative Vote in the 2010 UK General Election’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 64, no. 1, pp. 5–23, Jan. 2011, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsq042.

[92]
B. Särlvik and I. Crewe, Decade of dealignment: the Conservative victory of 1979 and electoral trends in the 1970’s. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.

[93]
D. Seawright, ‘“Yes, the census”: The 2011 UK Referendum campaign on the Alternative Vote’, British Politics, vol. 8, no. 4, pp. 457–475, Dec. 2013, doi: 10.1057/bp.2013.23.

[94]
J. Tonge, ‘Is politics still class based?’, in Debates in British politics today, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000.

[95]
A. Ware, Political parties and party systems. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996.

[96]
P. Webb, The modern British party system. London: SAGE, 2000.

[97]
P. Webb, ‘The Party System: turbulent multipartyism or duopolistic competition?’, in Developments in British politics 10, 10th edition., R. Heffernan, P. Cowley, C. Hay, and M. Russell, Eds. London: Palgrave, 2016.

[98]
J. Wheatley, ‘Restructuring the policy space in England: The end of the Left–Right paradigm?’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 3, pp. 268–285, Sep. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2015.35.

[99]
P. Whiteley, H. D. Clarke, D. Sanders, and M. C. Stewart, ‘Britain Says NO: Voting in the AV Ballot Referendum’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 65, no. 2, pp. 301–322, Apr. 2012, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsr043.

[100]
S. Lee and M. Beech, The Cameron-Clegg government: coalition politics in an age of austerity. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011 [Online]. Available: https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/bristol/detail.action?docID=713266

[101]
V. Cable, ‘A Lib Dem Perspective on Centre-Left Politics Post-2015’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 1, pp. 87–96, Jan. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12329.

[102]
I. Crewe and A. S. King, SDP: the birth, life and death of the Social Democratic Party. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.

[103]
J. Gerard, The Clegg coup: Britain’s first coalition government since LLoyd George. [London?]: Gibson Square, 2011.

[104]
R. S. GRAYSON, ‘Social Democracy or Social Liberalism? Ideological Sources of Liberal Democrat Policy’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 78, no. 1, pp. 32–39, Jan. 2007, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00828.x.

[105]
R. Hazell and B. Yong, The politics of coalition: how the Conservative-Liberal Democrat government works. Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2012.

[106]
C. Lees, ‘How Unusual is the United Kingdom Coalition (and What are the Chances of It Happening Again)?’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 82, no. 2, pp. 279–292, Apr. 2011, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2011.02192.x.

[107]
D. N. Maclver, The liberal democrats. London: Prentice Hall, 1996.

[108]
R. Muir, ‘Coalition: A new era in British politics’, Public Policy Research, vol. 17, no. 1, pp. 17–22, Jul. 2010, doi: 10.1111/j.1744-540X.2010.00595.x.

[109]
T. Quinn, J. Bara, and J. Bartle, ‘The UK Coalition Agreement of 2010: Who Won?’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties, vol. 21, no. 2, pp. 295–312, May 2011, doi: 10.1080/17457289.2011.562610.

[110]
A. T. Russell and E. Fieldhouse, Neither left nor right?: the Liberal Democrats and the electorate. New York: Manchester University Press, 2005.

[111]
A. Russell, E. Fieldhouse, and D. Cutts, ‘De facto Veto? The Parliamentary Liberal Democrats’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 78, no. 1, pp. 89–98, Jan. 2007, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00834.x.

[112]
P. Whiteley, P. Seyd, and A. Billinghurst, Third Force Politics: Liberal Democrats at the grassroots. OXFORD: OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS [Online]. Available: https://bris.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0199242828.001.0001

[113]
A. Abedi and T. C. Lundberg, ‘Doomed to Failure? UKIP and the Organisational Challenges Facing Right-Wing Populist Anti-Political Establishment Parties’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 62, no. 1, pp. 72–87, Oct. 2008, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsn036.

[114]
A. Widfeldt and H. Brandenburg, ‘What Kind of Party Is the UK Independence Party? The Future of the Extreme Right in Britain or Just Another Tory Party?’, Political Studies, vol. 66, no. 3, pp. 577–600, Aug. 2018, doi: 10.1177/0032321717723509.

[115]
H. Clarke, P. Whiteley, W. Borges, D. Sanders, and M. Stewart, ‘Modelling the dynamics of support for a right-wing populist party: the case of UKIP’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, vol. 26, no. 2, pp. 135–154, Apr. 2016, doi: 10.1080/17457289.2016.1146286.

[116]
N. Copsey, Contemporary British fascism: the British National Party and the quest for legitimacy, 2nd ed. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008 [Online]. Available: http://www.vlebooks.com/vleweb/product/openreader?id=Bristol&isbn=9780230227859

[117]
M. Cronin, The failure of British fascism: the far right and the fight for political recognition. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996.

[118]
A. Crines and T. Heppell, ‘Rhetorical style and issue emphasis within the conference speeches of UKIP’s Nigel Farage 2010–2014’, British Politics, vol. 12, no. 2, pp. 231–249, May 2017, doi: 10.1057/bp.2016.2.

[119]
D. Cutts, M. Goodwin, and C. Milazzo, ‘Defeat of the People’s Army? The 2015 British general election and the UK Independence Party (UKIP)’, Electoral Studies, vol. 48, pp. 70–83, Aug. 2017, doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2017.03.002.

[120]
D. Cutts, R. Ford, and M. J. Goodwin, ‘Anti-immigrant, politically disaffected or still racist after all? Examining the attitudinal drivers of extreme right support in Britain in the 2009 European elections’, European Journal of Political Research, vol. 50, no. 3, pp. 418–440, May 2011, doi: 10.1111/j.1475-6765.2010.01936.x.

[121]
J. Dennison and M. Goodwin, ‘Immigration, Issue Ownership and the Rise of UKIP’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 68, no. suppl 1, pp. 168–187, Sep. 2015, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv034.

[122]
R. Eatwell and M. Goodwin, Eds., The new extremism in 21st century Britain. Abingdon: Routledge, 2010.

[123]
G. Evans and J. Mellon, ‘Working Class Votes and Conservative Losses: Solving the UKIP Puzzle’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 69, no. 2, pp. 464–479, Apr. 2016, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv005.

[124]
R. Ford and M. Goodwin, ‘Understanding UKIP: Identity, Social Change and the Left Behind’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 85, no. 3, pp. 277–284, Jul. 2014, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12099.

[125]
R. A. Ford and M. Goodwin, Revolt on the right: explaining support for the radical right in Britain. London: Routledge, 2014.

[126]
R. Ford and M. J. Goodwin, ‘Different Class? UKIP’s Social Base and Political Impact: A Reply to Evans and Mellon’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 69, no. 2, pp. 480–491, Apr. 2016, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv012.

[127]
R. Ford and M. J. Goodwin, ‘Angry White Men: Individual and Contextual Predictors of Support for the British National Party’, Political Studies, vol. 58, no. 1, pp. 1–25, Feb. 2010, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00829.x.

[128]
M. J. Goodwin, ‘Forever a False Dawn? Explaining the Electoral Collapse of the British National Party (BNP)’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 67, no. 4, pp. 887–906, Oct. 2014, doi: 10.1093/pa/gss062.

[129]
M. J. Goodwin, ‘The Extreme Right in Britain: Still an ?Ugly Duckling? but for How Long?’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 78, no. 2, pp. 241–250, Apr. 2007, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00851.x.

[130]
M. Goodwin, New British fascism: rise of the British National Party. London: Routledge, 2011.

[131]
M. J. Goodwin and G. Harris, ‘Rallying intolerance in the valleys: Explaining support for the extreme right in Wales’, British Politics, vol. 8, no. 4, pp. 433–456, Dec. 2013, doi: 10.1057/bp.2013.7.

[132]
J. V. Gottlieb and T. P. Linehan, Eds., The culture of fascism: visions of the Far Right in Britain. London: I.B. Tauris, 2004.

[133]
O. Gruber and T. Bale, ‘And it’s good night Vienna. How (not) to deal with the populist radical right: The Conservatives, UKIP and some lessons from the heartland’, British Politics, vol. 9, no. 3, pp. 237–254, Sep. 2014, doi: 10.1057/bp.2014.7.

[134]
P. Hainsworth, Ed., The politics of the extreme right: from the margins to the mainstream. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2016.

[135]
R. Hayton, ‘Towards the Mainstream? UKIP and the 2009 Elections to the European Parliament’, Politics, vol. 30, no. 1, pp. 26–35, Feb. 2010, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9256.2009.01365.x.

[136]
P. Lynch and R. Whitaker, ‘Rivalry on the right: The Conservatives, the UK Independence Party (UKIP) and the EU issue’, British Politics, vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 285–312, Sep. 2013, doi: 10.1057/bp.2012.29.

[137]
P. Lynch, R. Whitaker, and G. Loomes, ‘The UK Independence Party: Understanding a Niche Party’s Strategy, Candidates and Supporters’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 65, no. 4, pp. 733–757, Oct. 2012, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsr042.

[138]
J. Mellon and G. Evans, ‘Class, Electoral Geography and the Future of UKIP: Labour’s Secret Weapon?’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 69, no. 2, pp. 492–498, Apr. 2016, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv013.

[139]
A. Sykes, The radical right in Britain: social imperialism to the BNP. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

[140]
S. Usherwood, ‘The dilemmas of a single‐issue party – The UK Independence Party’, Representation, vol. 44, no. 3, pp. 255–264, Sep. 2008, doi: 10.1080/00344890802237023.

[141]
P. Webb and T. Bale, ‘Why Do Tories Defect to UKIP? Conservative Party Members and the Temptations of the Populist Radical Right’, Political Studies, vol. 62, no. 4, pp. 961–970, Dec. 2014, doi: 10.1111/1467-9248.12130.

[142]
P. Webb, T. Bale, and M. Poletti, ‘“All mouth and no trousers?” How many Conservative Party members voted for UKIP in 2015 – and why did they do so?’, Politics, vol. 37, no. 4, pp. 432–444, Nov. 2017, doi: 10.1177/0263395717697344.

[143]
S. Birch, ‘Real Progress: Prospects for Green Party Support in Britain’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 62, no. 1, pp. 53–71, Oct. 2008, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsn037.

[144]
N. Carter, ‘The Greens in the UK general election of 7 May 2015’, Environmental Politics, vol. 24, no. 6, pp. 1055–1060, Nov. 2015, doi: 10.1080/09644016.2015.1063750.

[145]
N. Carter, ‘Greening the mainstream: party politics and the environment’, Environmental Politics, vol. 22, no. 1, pp. 73–94, Feb. 2013, doi: 10.1080/09644016.2013.755391.

[146]
J. Dennison, ‘The Other Insurgency? The Greens and the Election’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 68, no. suppl 1, pp. 188–205, Sep. 2015, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv035.

[147]
J. Dennison, The Greens in British politics: protest, anti-austerity and the divided Left. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017 [Online]. Available: https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/bristol/detail.action?docID=4746021

[148]
M. Robinson, The greening of British party politics. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992.

[149]
G. Hassan, Ed., The modern SNP: from protest to power. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2009 [Online]. Available: https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/bristol/detail.action?docID=537003

[150]
L. McAllister, Plaid Cymru: the emergence of a political party. Bridgend, Wales: Seren, 2001.

[151]
J. Tonge, M. Braniff, T. Hennessey, J. McAuley, and S. A. Whiting, The Democratic Unionist Party: from protest to power. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014 [Online]. Available: https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/bristol/detail.action?docID=3056253

[152]
K. Dommett, ‘Ideological Quietism? Ideology and Party Politics in Britain’, Political Studies, vol. 64, no. 1, pp. 106–122, 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-9248.12160.

[153]
R. Hayton, ‘British conservatism after the vote for Brexit: The ideological legacy of David Cameron’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 20, no. 1, pp. 223–238, Feb. 2018, doi: 10.1177/1369148117737278.

[154]
P. Kerr, E. Foster, A. Oaten, and N. Begum, ‘Getting back in the DeLorean: modernization vs. anti-modernization in contemporary British politics’, Policy Studies, vol. 39, no. 3, pp. 292–309, 2018, doi: 10.1080/01442872.2018.1478407.

[155]
A. Ridge-Newman, ‘The Conservative Party – Past, Present and Future’, Political Insight, vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 30–33, 2018, doi: 10.1177/2041905818764705.

[156]
V. Honeyman, ‘On the Brink of Greatness or Disaster? The Leadership of Jeremy Corbyn’, Political Insight, vol. 9, no. 4, pp. 12–15, 2018, doi: 10.1177/2041905818815191.

[157]
S. Farrall, E. Gray, and P. Jones, ‘Are We All Thatcherites Now?’, Political Insight, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 4–6, Jun. 2019, doi: 10.1177/2041905819854307.

[158]
M. Bolton and F. H. Pitts, ‘Corbynism and Blue Labour: post-liberalism and national populism in the British Labour Party’, British Politics, Sep. 2018, doi: 10.1057/s41293-018-00099-9.

[159]
R. Manwaring and E. Smith, ‘Corbyn, British labour and policy change’, British Politics, Mar. 2019, doi: 10.1057/s41293-019-00112-9.

[160]
S. Usherwood, ‘Shooting the fox? UKIP’s populism in the post-Brexit era’, West European Politics, vol. 42, no. 6, pp. 1209–1229, Sep. 2019, doi: 10.1080/01402382.2019.1596692.

[161]
H. Bochel and M. Powell, ‘Whatever happened to compassionate Conservatism under the Coalition government?’, British Politics, Sep. 2016, doi: 10.1057/s41293-016-0028-2.

[162]
B. Williams, ‘Theresa May’s Premiership: Continuity or Change?’, Political Insight, vol. 8, no. 1, pp. 10–13, Apr. 2017, doi: 10.1177/2041905817702730.

[163]
H. Brandenburg and R. Johns, ‘The Declining Representativeness of the British Party System, and Why it Matters’, Political Studies, vol. 62, no. 4, pp. 703–703, Dec. 2014, doi: 10.1111/1467-9248.12172.

[164]
P. Diamond, ‘Assessing the Performance of UK Opposition Leaders: Jeremy Corbyn’s “Straight Talking, Honest Politics”’, Politics and Governance, vol. 4, no. 2, Jun. 2016, doi: 10.17645/pag.v4i2.567.

[165]
A. Crines, ‘Transforming Labour: The “New” Labour Leadership of Jeremy Corbyn’, Political Insight, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 26–29, Sep. 2017, doi: 10.1177/2041905817726903.

[166]
T. Bale, ‘“A Bit Less Bunny-Hugging and a Bit More Bunny-Boiling”? Qualifying Conservative Party Change under David Cameron’, British Politics, vol. 3, no. 3, pp. 270–299, Sep. 2008, doi: 10.1057/bp.2008.7.

[167]
M. Bennister, B. Worthy, and D. Keith, ‘Jeremy Corbyn and the Limits of Authentic Rhetoric’, in Voices of the UK Left: rhetoric, ideology and the performance of politics, J. Atkins and J. Gaffney, Eds. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017.

[168]
S. Buckler and D. Dolowitz, ‘Ideology Matters: Party Competition, Ideological Positioning and the Case of the Conservative Party under David Cameron’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 14, no. 4, pp. 576–594, Nov. 2012, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856X.2011.00482.x.

[169]
K. Dommett, ‘The theory and practice of party modernisation: The conservative party under David Cameron, 2005–2015’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 249–266, Jun. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2015.21.

[170]
A. Gamble, ‘The Progressive Dilemma Revisited’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 1, pp. 136–143, Jan. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12327.

[171]
S. Griffiths, ‘What was Progressive in “Progressive Conservatism”?’, Political Studies Review, vol. 12, no. 1, pp. 29–40, Jan. 2014, doi: 10.1111/1478-9302.12036.

[172]
A. Harrop, ‘Where Next for Labour?’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 3, pp. 395–399, Jul. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12406.

[173]
R. Hayton and L. McEnhill, ‘Cameron’s Conservative Party, social liberalism and social justice’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 131–147, Jun. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2015.19.

[174]
B. Jackson, ‘Hard Labour’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 1, pp. 3–5, Jan. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12222.

[175]
K. O. Morgan, ‘Dilemmas and Disappointments: Progressive Politics 1896-2016’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 1, pp. 60–68, Jan. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12318.

[176]
S. Richards, ‘Leadership, Loyalty and the Rise of Jeremy Corbyn’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 1, pp. 12–17, Jan. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12221.

[177]
G. Goodlad, ‘A Tale of two Tories: Comparing Theresa May and Margaret Thatcher’, Political Insight, vol. 9, no. 3, pp. 12–14, Sep. 2018, doi: 10.1177/2041905818796571.

[178]
D. Jeffery, ‘Can the Conservative Party Survive Brexit?’, Political Insight, vol. 9, no. 4, pp. 8–11, Dec. 2018, doi: 10.1177/2041905818815190.

[179]
B. Jessop, ‘Margaret Thatcher and Thatcherism: Dead but not buried’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 1, pp. 16–30, Apr. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2014.22.

[180]
R. Heffernan, ‘Labour’s New Labour Legacy: Politics after Blair and Brown’, Political Studies Review, vol. 9, no. 2, pp. 163–177, May 2011, doi: 10.1111/j.1478-9302.2011.00230.x.

[181]
S. Buckler and D. P. Dolowitz, ‘Ideology, party identity and renewal’, Journal of Political Ideologies, vol. 14, no. 1, pp. 11–30, Feb. 2009, doi: 10.1080/13569310802649102.

[182]
A. Clark, Political parties in the UK. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

[183]
T. Bale, ‘“Cometh the Hour, Cometh the Dave”: How Far is the Conservative Party’s Revival All Down to David Cameron?’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 80, no. 2, pp. 222–232, Apr. 2009, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.01980.x.

[184]
T. Bale, The conservative party: from Thatcher to Cameron, Second edition. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2016.

[185]
T. Bale, The Conservatives since 1945: the drivers of party change. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012.

[186]
S. Ball and A. Seldon, Recovering power: the Conservatives in opposition since 1867. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

[187]
S. Lee and M. Beech, Eds., The Conservatives under David Cameron: built to last? Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

[188]
S. Lee and M. Beech, The Cameron-Clegg government: coalition politics in an age of austerity. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011 [Online]. Available: https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/bristol/detail.action?docID=713266

[189]
A. Boulton and J. Jones, Hung together: the 2010 election and the coalition government. London: Simon & Schuster, 2010.

[190]
S. Buckler and D. Dolowitz, ‘Ideology Matters: Party Competition, Ideological Positioning and the Case of the Conservative Party under David Cameron’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 14, no. 4, pp. 576–594, Nov. 2012, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856X.2011.00482.x.

[191]
D. Bulley and B. Sokhi-Bulley, ‘Big Society as Big Government: Cameron’s Governmentality Agenda’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 16, no. 3, pp. 452–470, Aug. 2014, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856X.2012.00547.x.

[192]
N. Carter, ‘Vote Blue, Go Green? Cameron’s Conservatives and the Environment’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 80, no. 2, pp. 233–242, Apr. 2009, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.01981.x.

[193]
N. Carter and B. Clements, ‘From “greenest government ever” to “get rid of all the green crap”: David Cameron, the Conservatives and the environment’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 204–225, Jun. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2015.16.

[194]
S. Childs and P. Webb, Sex, gender and the Conservative party: from iron lady to kitten heels. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, 2012 [Online]. Available: https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/bristol/detail.action?docID=832135

[195]
I. Crewe and D. Searling, ‘Ideological Change in the British Conservative Party’, The American Political Science Review, vol. 82, no. 2 [Online]. Available: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1957391

[196]
A. Defty, ‘Can You Tell What It Is Yet? Public Attitudes Towards “the Big Society”’, Social Policy and Society, vol. 13, no. 01, pp. 13–24, Jan. 2014, doi: 10.1017/S1474746413000213.

[197]
P. Dorey, M. Garnett, and A. Denham, From crisis to coalition: the Conservative Party, 1997-2010. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

[198]
P. Dorey, ‘A New Direction or Another False Dawn? David Cameron and the Crisis of British Conservatism’, British Politics, vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 137–166, Jul. 2007, doi: 10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200051.

[199]
P. Dorey and M. Garnett, ‘No such thing as the “Big Society”? The Conservative Party’s unnecessary search for “narrative” in the 2010 general election’, British Politics, vol. 7, no. 4, pp. 389–417, Dec. 2012, doi: 10.1057/bp.2012.17.

[200]
P. Dorey, The Major premiership: politics and policies under John Major, 1990-97. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 1999.

[201]
S. Evans, ‘The Not So Odd Couple: Margaret Thatcher and One Nation Conservatism’, Contemporary British History, vol. 23, no. 1, pp. 101–121, Mar. 2009, doi: 10.1080/13619460801990120.

[202]
S. Evans, ‘Consigning its Past to History? David Cameron and the Conservative Party’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 61, no. 2, pp. 291–314, Feb. 2008, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsn008.

[203]
S. Evans, ‘“Mother’s Boy”: David Cameron and Margaret Thatcher’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 12, no. 3, pp. 325–343, Aug. 2010, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856X.2010.00417.x.

[204]
E. J. Evans, Thatcher and Thatcherism, 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2004 [Online]. Available: https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/bristol/detail.action?docID=200096

[205]
A. Finlayson, ‘Making sense of David Cameron’, Public Policy Research, vol. 14, no. 1, pp. 3–10, Mar. 2007, doi: 10.1111/j.1744-540X.2007.00457.x.

[206]
G. K. Fry, The politics of the Thatcher revolution: an interpretation of British politics, 1979 - 1990. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

[207]
A. Gamble, The free economy and the strong state: the politics of Thatcherism, 2nd ed. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1994.

[208]
Garnett, M, ‘Political Quarterly’, vol. 73, no. 3, pp. 361–363, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.00477.

[209]
M. Garnett and P. Lynch, The Conservatives in crisis: the Tories after 1997. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003.

[210]
A. Geddes and J. Tonge, Labour’s second landslide: the British general election 2001. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002.

[211]
M. T. Grasso, S. Farrall, E. Gray, C. Hay, and W. Jennings, ‘Thatcher’s Children, Blair’s Babies, Political Socialization and Trickle-down Value Change: An Age, Period and Cohort Analysis’, British Journal of Political Science, pp. 1–20, Jan. 2017, doi: 10.1017/S0007123416000375.

[212]
J. Green, ‘Strategic Recovery? The Conservatives Under David Cameron’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 4, pp. 667–688, Oct. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsq027.

[213]
S. Griffiths, ‘What was Progressive in “Progressive Conservatism”?’, Political Studies Review, vol. 12, no. 1, pp. 29–40, Jan. 2014, doi: 10.1111/1478-9302.12036.

[214]
R. Hayton, ‘Conservative Party Modernisation and David Cameron’s Politics of the Family’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 81, no. 4, pp. 492–500, Oct. 2010, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2010.02126.x.

[215]
Hayton, R, ‘The demise of the One Nation tradition’, Global Discourse: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Current Affairs and Applied Contemporary Thought, vol. 5, no. 1, pp. 92–95, 2015, doi: 10.1080/23269995.2014.946811.

[216]
R. Hayton, ‘Conservative Party Statecraft and the Politics of Coalition’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 67, no. 1, pp. 6–24, Jan. 2014, doi: 10.1093/pa/gst019.

[217]
R. Hayton, Reconstructing conservatism?: the Conservative Party in opposition, 1997-2010. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2012.

[218]
R. Hayton and P. Munce, ‘Introduction. The Conservatives in Coalition: Principles, Politics and Power’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 67, no. 1, pp. 1–5, Jan. 2014, doi: 10.1093/pa/gst018.

[219]
R. Hayton and T. Heppell, ‘The Quiet Man of British Politics: the Rise, Fall and Significance of Iain Duncan Smith’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 3, pp. 425–445, Jul. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsp057.

[220]
Hayton, R, ‘Cameron’s Conservative Party, social liberalism and social justice’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 131–147, 2015 [Online]. Available: http://rdcu.be/Ir8j

[221]
T. Heppell, The Tories: from Winston Churchill to David Cameron. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2014 [Online]. Available: https://bris.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://dx.doi/org/10.5040/9781472545138

[222]
T. Heppell, ‘Cameron and Liberal Conservatism: Attitudes within the Parliamentary Conservative Party and Conservative Ministers’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 15, no. 3, pp. 340–361, Aug. 2013, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856X.2012.00546.x.

[223]
T. Heppell, ‘The conservative party leadership of David Cameron: Heresthetics and the realignment’, British Politics, vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 260–284, Sep. 2013, doi: 10.1057/bp.2013.6.

[224]
T. Heppell and M. Hill, ‘Transcending Thatcherism? Ideology and the Conservative Party Leadership Mandate of David Cameron’, Political Quarterly, vol. 80, no. 3, pp. 388–399, Jul. 2009, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.02004.x.

[225]
T. Heppell and D. Seawright, Eds., Cameron and the Conservatives: the transition to coalition government, Paperback edition. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

[226]
K. Hickson, The political thought of the Conservative Party since 1945. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

[227]
M. Hill, ‘Arrogant Posh Boys? The Social Composition of the Parliamentary Conservative Party and the Effect of Cameron’s “A” List’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 84, no. 1, pp. 80–89, Jan. 2013, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2013.02430.x.

[228]
B. Jessop, ‘Margaret Thatcher and Thatcherism: Dead but not buried’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 1, pp. 16–30, Apr. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2014.22.

[229]
P. Dorey, ‘Jeremy Corbyn confounds his critics: explaining the Labour party’s remarkable resurgence in the 2017 election’, British Politics, vol. 12, no. 3, pp. 308–334, Aug. 2017, doi: 10.1057/s41293-017-0058-4.

[230]
H. Clarke, P. Whiteley, W. Borges, D. Sanders, and M. Stewart, ‘Modelling the dynamics of support for a right-wing populist party: the case of UKIP’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, vol. 26, no. 2, pp. 135–154, Apr. 2016, doi: 10.1080/17457289.2016.1146286.

[231]
M. Flinders, ‘The (Anti-)Politics of the General Election: Funnelling Frustration in a Divided Democracy’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 71, no. suppl_1, pp. 222–236, 2018, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsx058.

[232]
P. Kellner, ‘Public Opinion and the Depth of Labour’s Crisis’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 1, pp. 20–29, Jan. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12328.

[233]
L. Byrne, ‘How Jeremy Corbyn brought labour back to the future: visions of the future and concrete utopia in labour’s 2017 electoral campaign’, British Politics, Jun. 2019, doi: 10.1057/s41293-019-00123-6.

[234]
C. Milazzo and J. Townsley, ‘Conceived in Harlesden: Candidate-Centred Campaigning in British General Elections’, Parliamentary Affairs, Dec. 2018, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsy040.

[235]
T. J. Scotto, D. Sanders, and J. Reifler, ‘The consequential Nationalist–Globalist policy divide in contemporary Britain: some initial analyses’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, pp. 1–21, Aug. 2017, doi: 10.1080/17457289.2017.1360308.

[236]
K. Arzheimer and H. Schoen, ‘Political interest furthers partisanship in England, Scotland, and Wales’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, vol. 26, no. 3, pp. 373–389, Jul. 2016, doi: 10.1080/17457289.2016.1179315.

[237]
T. Bale and P. Webb, ‘“Honey, I Shrunk the Majority”: Theresa May and the Tories’, Political Insight, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 20–23, Sep. 2017, doi: 10.1177/2041905817726900.

[238]
T. Bale, ‘The Loser Takes It All. Labour and Jeremy Corbyn: A Response to Steve Richards’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 1, pp. 18–19, Jan. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12219.

[239]
H. Brandenburg and R. Johns, ‘The Declining Representativeness of the British Party System, and Why it Matters’, Political Studies, vol. 62, no. 4, pp. 704–725, Dec. 2014, doi: 10.1111/1467-9248.12050.

[240]
J. Green, ‘Party and voter incentives at the crowded centre of British politics’, Party Politics, vol. 21, no. 1, pp. 80–99, Jan. 2015, doi: 10.1177/1354068812472569.

[241]
H. Clarke, D. Sanders, M. Stewart, and P. Whiteley, ‘Valence Politics and Electoral Choice in Britain, 2010’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties, vol. 21, no. 2, pp. 237–253, May 2011, doi: 10.1080/17457289.2011.562614.

[242]
R. Dassonneville, ‘Volatile voters, short-term choices? An analysis of the vote choice determinants of stable and volatile voters in Great Britain’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, vol. 26, no. 3, pp. 273–292, Jul. 2016, doi: 10.1080/17457289.2016.1158181.

[243]
J. Dennison and M. Goodwin, ‘Immigration, Issue Ownership and the Rise of UKIP’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 68, no. suppl 1, pp. 168–187, Sep. 2015, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv034.

[244]
D. Denver, ‘“Valence Politics”: How Britain Votes Now’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 292–299, May 2005, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856x.2005.00171.x.

[245]
K. Dommett, ‘Ideological Quietism? Ideology and Party Politics in Britain’, Political Studies, vol. 64, no. 1, pp. 106–122, Mar. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-9248.12160.

[246]
Evans, Geoffrey, ‘The Impact of Party Leaders: How Blair Lost Labour Votes We would like to thank the BES team for making their 2005 Pre-Campaign Survey available so swiftly and Sonia Exley for research assistance.’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 58, no. 4, pp. 818–836, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsi065.

[247]
G. Evans and K. Chzhen, ‘Re-evaluating the Valence Model of Political Choice’, Political Science Research and Methods, vol. 4, no. 01, pp. 199–220, Jan. 2016, doi: 10.1017/psrm.2013.11.

[248]
S. Fielding, ‘“Hell, No!” Labour’s Campaign: The Correct Diagnosis but the Wrong Doctor?’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 68, no. suppl 1, pp. 54–69, Sep. 2015, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv027.

[249]
J. Green and S. B. Hobolt, ‘Owning the issue agenda: Party strategies and vote choices in British elections’, Electoral Studies, vol. 27, no. 3, pp. 460–476, Sep. 2008, doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2008.02.003.

[250]
J. Green, ‘When Voters and Parties Agree: Valence Issues and Party Competition’, Political Studies, vol. 55, no. 3, pp. 629–655, Oct. 2007, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00671.x.

[251]
R. Johnston and C. Pattie, ‘Where Did Labour’s Votes Go? Valence Politics and Campaign Effects at the 2010 British General Election’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 13, no. 3, pp. 283–303, Aug. 2011, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856X.2011.00454.x.

[252]
Mellon, Jonathan, G. Evans, E. A. Fieldhouse, J. Green, and C. Prosser, ‘Brexit or Corbyn? Campaign and Inter-Election Vote Switching in the 2017 UK General Election’ [Online]. Available: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3073203

[253]
D. Stevens, J. A. Karp, and R. Hodgson, ‘Party Leaders as Movers and Shakers in British Campaigns? Results from the 2010 Election’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties, vol. 21, no. 2, pp. 125–145, May 2011, doi: 10.1080/17457289.2011.562613.

[254]
J. Tonge and A. Geddes, ‘Conclusions: Economic Narratives and Party Leaders’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 68, no. suppl 1, pp. 255–262, Sep. 2015, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv039.

[255]
B. Worthy, ‘Ending in Failure? The Performance of “Takeover” Prime Ministers 1916-2016’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 4, pp. 509–517, Oct. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12311.

[256]
J. Lees-Marshment, ‘The Marriage of Politics and Marketing’, Political Studies, vol. 49, no. 4, pp. 692–713, 2001, doi: 10.1111/1467-9248.00337.

[257]
A. Middleton, ‘“For the Many, Not the Few”: Strategising the Campaign Trail at the 2017 UK General Election’, Parliamentary Affairs, Sep. 2018, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsy034.

[258]
J. Sloam, R. Ehsan, and M. Henn, ‘“Youthquake”: How and Why Young People Reshaped the Political Landscape in 2017’, Political Insight, vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 4–8, Mar. 2018, doi: 10.1177/2041905818764697.

[259]
J. Mellon and C. Prosser, ‘Strategic Support and Electoral Expectations: Did Voters Choose Brexit and Corbyn Because They Expected Them to Lose?’, SSRN Electronic Journal, 2017, doi: 10.2139/ssrn.3012739.

[260]
C. Milazzo and J. Hammond, ‘The face of the party? Leader personalization in British campaigns’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, vol. 28, no. 3, pp. 263–282, Jul. 2018, doi: 10.1080/17457289.2017.1394309.

[261]
A. Alexandre-Collier, ‘The “Open Garden of Politics”: The impact of open primaries for candidate selection in the British Conservative Party’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 18, no. 3, pp. 706–723, Aug. 2016, doi: 10.1177/1369148116636518.

[262]
A. Gauja, ‘The Individualisation of Party Politics: The Impact of Changing Internal Decision-Making Processes on Policy Development and Citizen Engagement’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 17, no. 1, pp. 89–105, Feb. 2015, doi: 10.1111/1467-856X.12035.

[263]
J. Watts and T. Bale, ‘Populism as an intra-party phenomenon: The British Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 2018, doi: 10.1177/1369148118806115.

[264]
P. Keaveney, ‘Party Leadership Elections in the UK’, Political Insight, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 17–19, Jun. 2019, doi: 10.1177/2041905819854311.

[265]
M. Poletti, P. Webb, and T. Bale, ‘Why do only some people who support parties actually join them? Evidence from Britain’, West European Politics, vol. 42, no. 1, pp. 156–172, Jan. 2019, doi: 10.1080/01402382.2018.1479921.

[266]
P. Whiteley, M. Poletti, P. Webb, and T. Bale, ‘Oh Jeremy Corbyn! Why did Labour Party membership soar after the 2015 general election?’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 21, no. 1, pp. 80–98, Feb. 2019, doi: 10.1177/1369148118815408.

[267]
P. Dorey and A. Denham, ‘“The Longest Suicide Vote in History”: The Labour Party Leadership Election of 2015’, British Politics, vol. 11, no. 3, pp. 259–282, Sep. 2016, doi: 10.1057/s41293-016-0001-0.

[268]
J. Garland, ‘A Wider Range of Friends: Multi-speed Organising during the 2015 Labour Leadership Contest’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 1, pp. 23–30, Jan. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12217.

[269]
A. Denham, ‘Choosing party leaders: Anglophone democracies, British parties and the limits of comparative politics’, British Politics, vol. 12, no. 2, pp. 250–266, May 2017, doi: 10.1057/s41293-016-0022-8.

[270]
A. Denham and P. Dorey, ‘Tales of the unexpected: The selection of British party leaders since 1963’, British Politics, Mar. 2017, doi: 10.1057/s41293-017-0044-x.

[271]
J. Fisher, E. Fieldhouse, and D. Cutts, ‘Members are Not the Only Fruit: Volunteer Activity in British Political Parties at the 2010 General Election’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 16, no. 1, pp. 75–95, Feb. 2014, doi: 10.1111/1467-856X.12011.

[272]
F. Faucher, ‘Leadership Elections: What is at Stake for Parties? A Comparison of the British Labour Party and the Parti Socialiste: Table 1’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 68, no. 4, pp. 794–820, Oct. 2015, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsu026.

[273]
A. Gauja, ‘The construction of party membership’, European Journal of Political Research, vol. 54, no. 2, pp. 232–248, May 2015, doi: 10.1111/1475-6765.12078.

[274]
T. Heppell, ‘LABOUR LEADERSHIP ELECTIONS FROM WILSON TO BROWN: IDEOLOGICAL FACTIONS AND SUCCESSION PLANNING STRATEGIES’, Representation, vol. 46, no. 1, pp. 69–79, Apr. 2010, doi: 10.1080/00344890903570991.

[275]
R. Kelly, ‘The Party Didn’t Work: Conservative Reorganisation and Electoral Failure’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 73, no. 1, pp. 38–43, Jan. 2002, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.00439.

[276]
R. Kelly, ‘Farewell Conference, Hello Forum: The Making of Labour and Tory Policy’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 72, no. 3, pp. 329–334, Jul. 2001, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.00392.

[277]
M. Low, ‘Parliamentary candidate selection in the Conservative Party: The meaning of reform for party members and membership parties’, British Politics, vol. 9, no. 4, pp. 401–429, Dec. 2014, doi: 10.1057/bp.2014.10.

[278]
P. Norris, ‘May’s Law of Curvilinear Disparity Revisited’, Party Politics, vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 29–47, Jan. 1995, doi: 10.1177/1354068895001001002.

[279]
M. K. Nugent and M. L. Krook, ‘All-Women Shortlists: Myths and Realities’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 69, no. 1, pp. 115–135, Jan. 2016, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv015.

[280]
T. Quinn, ‘The British Labour Party’s leadership election of 2015’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 18, no. 4, pp. 759–778, Nov. 2016, doi: 10.1177/1369148116664268.

[281]
M. Russell, ‘Corbyn as an Organisational Phenomenon: A Response to Steve Richards’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 1, pp. 20–22, Jan. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12220.

[282]
E. Shaw, ‘Understanding Labour Party Management under Tony Blair’, Political Studies Review, vol. 14, no. 2, pp. 153–162, May 2016, doi: 10.1177/1478929915623296.

[283]
J. Watts, ‘The lost world of the British Labour Party? Community, infiltration and disunity’, British Politics, Jul. 2017, doi: 10.1057/s41293-017-0057-5.

[284]
Webb, Paul, ‘So who really does the donkey work in “multi-speed membership parties”? Comparing the election campaign activity of party members and party supporters’, Electoral Studies, vol. 46, doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2017.02.002.

[285]
Whiteley, Paul, ‘Is the party over? The decline of party activism and membership across the democratic world’, Party Politics, vol. 17, no. 1, doi: 10.1177/1354068810365505.

[286]
P. Whiteley, ‘Where Have All the Members Gone? The Dynamics of Party Membership in Britain’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 62, no. 2, pp. 242–257, Jan. 2009, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsn054.

[287]
‘The Labour party, Momentum and the problem with intra-party democracy : Democratic Audit’. [Online]. Available: http://www.democraticaudit.com/2016/10/31/the-labour-party-momentum-and-the-problem-with-intra-party-democracy/

[288]
T. Bale, M. Poletti, and P. Webb, ‘A Man’s Game? The Grassroots Gender Gap in Britain’s Political Parties’, Political Insight, vol. 9, no. 2, pp. 7–10, Jun. 2018, doi: 10.1177/2041905818779324.

[289]
M. T. Grasso, S. Farrall, E. Gray, C. Hay, and W. Jennings, ‘Socialization and generational political trajectories: an age, period and cohort analysis of political participation in Britain’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, pp. 1–23, Jun. 2018, doi: 10.1080/17457289.2018.1476359.

[290]
T. Bale, P. Webb, and M. Poletti, ‘Participating Locally and Nationally: Explaining the Offline and Online Activism of British Party Members’, Political Studies, Sep. 2018, doi: 10.1177/0032321718794740.

[291]
‘Oh Jeremy Corbyn! Why did Labour Party Membership Soar after the 2015 General Election?’ [Online]. Available: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/79663/3/Whiteley%20et%20al%20for%20BJPIR_SRO_version_October2018.pdf

[292]
T. O’Grady, ‘Careerists Versus Coal-Miners: Welfare Reforms and the Substantive Representation of Social Groups in the British Labour Party’, Comparative Political Studies, 2018, doi: 10.1177/0010414018784065.

[293]
M. Russell and P. Cowley, ‘The Policy Power of the Westminster Parliament: The "Parliamentary State” and the Empirical Evidence’, Governance, vol. 29, no. 1, pp. 121–137, Jan. 2016, doi: 10.1111/gove.12149.

[294]
T. Wright, ‘What are MPs for?’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 81, no. 3, pp. 298–308, Jul. 2010, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2010.02100.x.

[295]
R. Serban, ‘Last Word: How are Prime Ministers Held to Account?’, Political Insight, vol. 10, no. 1, pp. 40–40, Mar. 2019, doi: 10.1177/2041905819838155.

[296]
M. Waddle and P. Bull, ‘Curbing Their Antagonism: Topics Associated with a Reduction in Personal Attacks at Prime Minister’s Questions’, Parliamentary Affairs, Mar. 2019, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsz010.

[297]
P. Norton, ‘Is the House of Commons Too Powerful? The 2019 Bingham Lecture in Constitutional Studies, University of Oxford’, Parliamentary Affairs, Jul. 2019, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsz022.

[298]
M. Sobolewska, R. McKee, and R. Campbell, ‘Explaining motivation to represent: how does descriptive representation lead to substantive representation of racial and ethnic minorities?’, West European Politics, vol. 41, no. 6, pp. 1237–1261, Nov. 2018, doi: 10.1080/01402382.2018.1455408.

[299]
J. McConalogue, ‘The British constitution resettled? Parliamentary sovereignty after the EU Referendum’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 21, no. 2, pp. 439–458, May 2019, doi: 10.1177/1369148118815409.

[300]
P. Cowley, ‘Why not ask the audience? Understanding the public’s representational priorities’, British Politics, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 138–163, Jun. 2013, doi: 10.1057/bp.2012.28.

[301]
D. Mabbett, ‘Parliamentary Sovereignty and Brexit’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 2, pp. 167–169, Apr. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12364.

[302]
N. F. B. Allington and G. Peele, ‘Moats, Duck Houses and Bath Plugs: Members of Parliament, the Expenses Scandal and the Use of Web Sites’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 3, pp. 385–406, Jul. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsq010.

[303]
S. Bates, M. Goodwin, and S. McKay, ‘Do UK MPs engage more with Select Committees since the Wright Reforms? An Interrupted Time Series Analysis, 1979–2016’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 70, no. 4, pp. 780–800, Oct. 2017, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsx007.

[304]
M. Benton and M. Russell, ‘Assessing the Impact of Parliamentary Oversight Committees: The Select Committees in the British House of Commons’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 66, no. 4, pp. 772–797, Oct. 2013, doi: 10.1093/pa/gss009.

[305]
H. Bochel and A. Defty, ‘“A More Representative Chamber”: Representation and the House of Lords’, The Journal of Legislative Studies, vol. 18, no. 1, pp. 82–97, Mar. 2012, doi: 10.1080/13572334.2012.646714.

[306]
H. Bochel and A. Defty, ‘A Question of Expertise: the House of Lords and Welfare Policy’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 1, pp. 66–84, Jan. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsp019.

[307]
V. Bogdanor, ‘Imprisoned by a Doctrine: The Modern Defence of Parliamentary Sovereignty ’, Oxford Journal of Legal Studies, vol. 32, no. 1, pp. 179–195, Mar. 2012, doi: 10.1093/ojls/gqr027.

[308]
A. Brazier and R. Fox, ‘Enhancing the Backbench MP’s Role As a Legislator: The Case for Urgent Reform of Private Members Bills’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 1, pp. 201–211, Jan. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsp053.

[309]
P. Cairney, ‘The Professionalisation of MPs: Refining the “Politics-Facilitating” Explanation’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 60, no. 2, pp. 212–233, Jan. 2007, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsm006.

[310]
R. Campbell, P. Cowley, N. Vivyan, and M. Wagner, ‘Legislator Dissent as a Valence Signal’, British Journal of Political Science, pp. 1–24, Jun. 2016, doi: 10.1017/S0007123416000223.

[311]
R. Campbell and P. Cowley, ‘Rich Man, Poor Man, Politician Man: Wealth Effects in a Candidate Biography Survey Experiment’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 16, no. 1, pp. 56–74, Feb. 2014, doi: 10.1111/1467-856X.12002.

[312]
R. Campbell and P. Cowley, ‘What Voters Want: Reactions to Candidate Characteristics in a Survey Experiment’, Political Studies, vol. 62, no. 4, pp. 745–765, Dec. 2014, doi: 10.1111/1467-9248.12048.

[313]
R. Campbell, ‘Local Candidates for Local People’, Political Insight, vol. 4, no. 2, pp. 8–11, Sep. 2013, doi: 10.1111/2041-9066.12017.

[314]
R. Campbell and J. Lovenduski, ‘What Should MPs Do? Public and Parliamentarians’ Views Compared’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 68, no. 4, pp. 690–708, Oct. 2015, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsu020.

[315]
R. Campbell, P. Cowley, N. Vivyan, and M. Wagner, ‘Legislator Dissent as a Valence Signal’, British Journal of Political Science, pp. 1–24, Jun. 2016, doi: 10.1017/S0007123416000223.

[316]
P. Cowley, ‘Arise, Novice Leader! The Continuing Rise of the Career Politician in Britain’, Politics, vol. 32, no. 1, pp. 31–38, Feb. 2012, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9256.2011.01422.x.

[317]
P. Cowley and M. Stuart, ‘Party Rules, OK: Voting in the House of Commons on the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 1, pp. 173–181, Jan. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsp037.

[318]
E. Crewe, ‘Ethnography of Parliament: Finding Culture and Politics Entangled in the Commons and the Lords’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 70, no. 1, pp. 155–172, Jan. 2017, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsw012.

[319]
E. Crewe, ‘An Anthropology of the House of Lords: Socialisation, Relationships and Rituals’, The Journal of Legislative Studies, vol. 16, no. 3, pp. 313–324, Sep. 2010, doi: 10.1080/13572334.2010.498100.

[320]
P. Eleftheriadis, ‘Constitutional Illegitimacy over Brexit’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 2, pp. 182–188, Apr. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12371.

[321]
J. Evans, K. Arzheimer, R. Campbell, and P. Cowley, ‘Candidate localness and voter choice in the 2015 General Election in England’, Political Geography, vol. 59, pp. 61–71, Jul. 2017, doi: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2017.02.009.

[322]
L. Fisher, ‘The Growing Power and Autonomy of House of Commons Select Committees: Causes and Effects’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 86, no. 3, pp. 419–426, Jul. 2015, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12190.

[323]
M. Flinders and A. Kelso, ‘Mind the Gap: Political Analysis, Public Expectations and the Parliamentary Decline Thesis’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 13, no. 2, pp. 249–268, May 2011, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856X.2010.00434.x.

[324]
M. Goodwin and S. Bates, ‘The “powerless parliament”? Agenda-setting and the role of the UK parliament in the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 2008’, British Politics, vol. 11, no. 2, pp. 232–255, Jun. 2016, doi: 10.1057/bp.2015.37.

[325]
D. Judge, ‘Recall of MPs in the UK: “If I Were You I Wouldn’t Start from Here”’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 66, no. 4, pp. 732–751, Oct. 2013, doi: 10.1093/pa/gss013.

[326]
S. Kalitowski, ‘Parliament for the People? Public Knowledge, Interest and Perceptions of the Westminster Parliament’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 62, no. 2, pp. 350–363, Jan. 2009, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsp001.

[327]
S. Kalitowski, ‘Rubber Stamp or Cockpit? The Impact of Parliament on Government Legislation’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 61, no. 4, pp. 694–708, Jul. 2008, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsn030.

[328]
M. Kellermann, ‘Electoral Vulnerability, Constituency Focus, and Parliamentary Questions in the House of Commons’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 18, no. 1, pp. 90–106, Feb. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-856X.12075.

[329]
M. Russell, The contemporary House of Lords: Westminster bicameralism revived. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.

[330]
M. Korris, ‘Standing up for Scrutiny: How and Why Parliament Should Make Better Law’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 64, no. 3, pp. 564–574, Jul. 2011, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsr016.

[331]
C. Lamprinakou, M. Morucci, R. Campbell, and J. van Heerde-Hudson, ‘All Change in the House? The Profile of Candidates and MPs in the 2015 British General Election’, Parliamentary Affairs, Oct. 2016, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsw030.

[332]
D. LIPSEY, ‘What the House of Lords is Really for?’, Political Quarterly, vol. 80, no. 3, pp. 400–404, Jul. 2009, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.02006.x.

[333]
J. Lovenduski, ‘Prime Minister’s questions as political ritual’, British Politics, vol. 7, no. 4, pp. 314–340, Dec. 2012, doi: 10.1057/bp.2012.13.

[334]
P. Lynch and R. Whitaker, ‘All Brexiteers now? Brexit, the Conservatives and party change’, British Politics, Nov. 2017, doi: 10.1057/s41293-017-0064-6.

[335]
J. PARKINSON, ‘The House of Lords: A Deliberative Democratic Defence’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 78, no. 3, pp. 374–381, Jul. 2007, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00866.x.

[336]
E. PEARCE, ‘An Elected Upper House and Other Fallacies’, Political Quarterly, vol. 80, no. 4, pp. 495–501, Dec. 2009, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.02054.x.

[337]
C. D. Raymond, ‘Voting Behaviour on Free Votes: Simply a Matter of Preferences?’, Parliamentary Affairs, Sep. 2016, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsw032.

[338]
P. Riddell, ‘In Defence of Politicians: In Spite of Themselves’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 3, pp. 545–557, Jul. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsq015.

[339]
M. Russell, ‘“Never Allow a Crisis Go To Waste”: The Wright Committee Reforms to Strengthen the House of Commons’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 64, no. 4, pp. 612–633, Oct. 2011, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsr026.

[340]
M. Russell, D. Gover, K. Wollter, and M. Benton, ‘Actors, Motivations and Outcomes in the Legislative Process: Policy Influence at Westminster’, Government and Opposition, vol. 52, no. 01, pp. 1–27, Jan. 2017, doi: 10.1017/gov.2015.25.

[341]
M. Russell, ‘A Stronger Second Chamber? Assessing the Impact of House of Lords Reform in 1999 and the Lessons for Bicameralism’, Political Studies, vol. 58, no. 5, pp. 866–885, Dec. 2010, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00810.x.

[342]
M. Russell and M. Sciara, ‘Why Does the Government get Defeated in the House of Lords?: The Lords, the Party System and British Politics’, British Politics, vol. 2, no. 3, pp. 299–322, Nov. 2007, doi: 10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200064.

[343]
M. Russell and M. Sciara, ‘The Policy Impact of Defeats in the House of Lords’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 10, no. 4, pp. 571–589, Nov. 2008, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856x.2008.00331.x.

[344]
M. Shephard, ‘Parliamentary Scrutiny and Oversight of the British “War on Terror”: From Accretion of Executive Power and Evasion of Scrutiny to Embarrassment and Concessions’, The Journal of Legislative Studies, vol. 15, no. 2–3, pp. 191–218, Sep. 2009, doi: 10.1080/13572330902933326.

[345]
M. Russell, D. Gover, K. Wollter, and M. Benton, ‘Actors, Motivations and Outcomes in the Legislative Process: Policy Influence at Westminster’, Government and Opposition, vol. 52, no. 01, pp. 1–27, Jan. 2017, doi: 10.1017/gov.2015.25.

[346]
J. Strong, ‘Why Parliament Now Decides on War: Tracing the Growth of the Parliamentary Prerogative through Syria, Libya and Iraq’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 17, no. 4, pp. 604–622, Nov. 2015, doi: 10.1111/1467-856X.12055.

[347]
A. Weale, ‘The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 2, pp. 170–181, Apr. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12338.

[348]
D. M. Willumsen and K. H. Goetz, ‘Set Free? Impending Retirement and Legislative Behaviour in the UK’, Parliamentary Affairs, Jun. 2016, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsw018.

[349]
R. Whitaker, ‘Ping-Pong and Policy Influence: Relations Between the Lords and Commons, 2005–06’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 59, no. 3, pp. 536–545, Jul. 2006, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsl036.

[350]
M. Russell and P. Cowley, ‘Modes of UK Executive-Legislative Relations Revisited’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 89, no. 1, pp. 18–28, Jan. 2018, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12463.

[351]
M. Russell, D. Gover, and K. Wollter, ‘Does the Executive Dominate the Westminster Legislative Process?: Six Reasons for Doubt’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 69, no. 2, pp. 286–308, Apr. 2016, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv016.

[352]
F. Matthews, ‘Majoritarianism Reinterpreted: Effective Representation and the Quality of Westminster Democracy’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 71, no. 1, pp. 50–72, Jan. 2018, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsx011.

[353]
M. Flinders, ‘Volcanic politics: Executive–legislative relations in Britain, 1997–2005’, Australian Journal of Political Science, vol. 41, no. 3, pp. 385–406, Sep. 2006, doi: 10.1080/10361140600848986.

[354]
M. Flinders, A. Weinberg, J. Weinberg, M. Geddes, and R. Kwiatkowski, ‘Governing under Pressure? The Mental Wellbeing of Politicians’, Parliamentary Affairs, Dec. 2018, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsy046.

[355]
R. Heffernan, ‘Prime Ministerial Predominance? Core Executive Politics in the UK’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 5, no. 3, pp. 347–372, Aug. 2003, doi: 10.1111/1467-856X.00110.

[356]
M. Bevir and R. A. W. Rhodes, ‘Prime Ministers, Presidentialism and Westminster Smokescreens’, Political Studies, vol. 54, no. 4, pp. 671–690, 2006, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.2006.00632.x.

[357]
K. Theakston, ‘Political Skills and Context in Prime Ministerial Leadership in Britain’, Politics & Policy, vol. 30, no. 2, pp. 283–323, Jun. 2002, doi: 10.1111/j.1747-1346.2002.tb00124.x.

[358]
N. Allen, ‘Brexit, Butchery and Boris: Theresa May and Her First Cabinet’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 70, no. 3, pp. 633–644, Jul. 2017, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsx001.

[359]
K. Dowding, ‘The Prime Ministerialisation of the British Prime Minister’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 66, no. 3, pp. 617–635, Jul. 2013, doi: 10.1093/pa/gss007.

[360]
C. Gains and F. Annesley, ‘The Core Executive: Gender, Power and Change’, Political Studies, vol. 58, no. 5, pp. 909–929, Dec. 2010, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.2010.00824.x.

[361]
M. Bennister and R. Heffernan, ‘The Limits to Prime Ministerial Autonomy: Cameron and the Constraints of Coalition’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 68, no. 1, pp. 25–41, Jan. 2015, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsu013.

[362]
M. Bennister and R. Heffernan, ‘Cameron as Prime Minister: The Intra-Executive Politics of Britain’s Coalition Government’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 65, no. 4, pp. 778–801, Oct. 2012, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsr061.

[363]
M. Burch and I. Holliday, ‘The Blair Government and the Core Executive’, Government and Opposition, vol. 39, no. 1, pp. 1–21, Jan. 2004, doi: 10.1111/j.0017-257x.2004.00029.x.

[364]
M. Flinders, ‘The enduring centrality of individual ministerial responsibility within the British constitution’, The Journal of Legislative Studies, vol. 6, no. 3, pp. 73–92, Sep. 2000, doi: 10.1080/13572330008420632.

[365]
M. Foley, ‘Presidential Attribution as an Agency of Prime Ministerial Critique in a Parliamentary Democracy: The Case of Tony Blair’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 6, no. 3, pp. 292–311, Aug. 2004, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856X.2004.00141.x.

[366]
C. Hay and D. Richards, ‘The Tangled Webs of Westminster and Whitehall: The Discourse, Strategy and Practice of Networking Within the British Core Executive’, Public Administration, vol. 78, no. 1, pp. 1–28, Jan. 2000, doi: 10.1111/1467-9299.00190.

[367]
R. Heffernan, ‘Exploring (and Explaining) the British Prime Minister’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 7, no. 4, pp. 605–620, Nov. 2005, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856x.2005.00203.x.

[368]
R. Heffernan, ‘Why the Prime Minister cannot be a President: Comparing Institutional Imperatives in Britain and America’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 58, no. 1, pp. 53–70, Jan. 2005, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsi006.

[369]
R. Heffernan, ‘Exploring (and Explaining) the British Prime Minister’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 7, no. 4, pp. 605–620, Nov. 2005, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856x.2005.00203.x.

[370]
Heffernan, Richard, ‘There’s No Need for the “-isation”: The Prime Minister Is Merely Prime Ministerial’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 66, no. 3, doi: 10.1093/pa/gss058.

[371]
P. Hennessy, ‘The Blair Style and the Requirements of Twenty-first Century Premiership’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 71, no. 4, pp. 386–395, Oct. 2000, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.00326.

[372]
P. Hennessy, ‘Rulers and Servants of the State: The Blair Style of Government 1997-2004’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 58, no. 1, pp. 6–16, Jan. 2005, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsi003.

[373]
I. Holliday, ‘Is the British State Hollowing Out?’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 71, no. 2, pp. 167–176, Apr. 2000, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.00291.

[374]
T. Heppell, ‘Ministerial Selection and Portfolio Allocation in the Cameron Government’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 67, no. 1, pp. 64–79, Jan. 2014, doi: 10.1093/pa/gst022.

[375]
M. J. SMITH, ‘THE CORE EXECUTIVE AND THE RESIGNATION OF MRS THATCHER’, Public Administration, vol. 72, no. 3, pp. 341–363, Aug. 1994, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9299.1994.tb01017.x.

[376]
M. WICKS, ‘What Ministers Do’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 83, no. 3, pp. 585–598, Jul. 2012, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2012.02345.x.

[377]
B. Worthy, ‘Ending in Failure? The Performance of “Takeover” Prime Ministers 1916-2016’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 4, pp. 509–517, Oct. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12311.

[378]
C. Byrne, N. Randall, and K. Theakston, ‘Evaluating British prime ministerial performance: David Cameron’s premiership in political time’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 19, no. 1, pp. 202–220, Feb. 2017, doi: 10.1177/1369148116685260.

[379]
C. Byrne and K. Theakston, ‘Understanding the power of the prime minister: structure and agency in models of prime ministerial power’, British Politics, Mar. 2018, doi: 10.1057/s41293-018-0087-7.

[380]
T. Poguntke and P. Webb, The presidentialization of politics: a comparative study of modern democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005 [Online]. Available: https://bris.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0199252017.001.0001

[381]
J. Richardson, ‘The Changing British Policy Style: From Governance to Government?’, British Politics, May 2017, doi: 10.1057/s41293-017-0051-y.

[382]
P. Bernhagen, ‘Who Gets What in British Politics – and How? An Analysis of Media Reports on Lobbying around Government Policies, 2001–7’, Political Studies, vol. 60, no. 3, pp. 557–577, Oct. 2012, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00916.x.

[383]
P. Diamond, ‘New Labour, politicisation and depoliticisation: The delivery agenda in public services 1997–2007’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 4, pp. 429–453, Dec. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2015.10.

[384]
T. BALE, ‘Concede and Move On? One Nation Labour and the Welfare State’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 84, no. 3, pp. 342–352, Oct. 2013, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2013.12023.x.

[385]
S. J. Ball and S. Exley, ‘Making policy with “good ideas”: policy networks and the “intellectuals” of New Labour’, Journal of Education Policy, vol. 25, no. 2, pp. 151–169, Mar. 2010, doi: 10.1080/02680930903486125.

[386]
J. BENTHAM, ‘The IPPR and Demos: Think Tanks of the New Social Democracy’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 77, no. 2, pp. 166–174, Apr. 2006, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2006.00759.x.

[387]
P. Cairney, ‘Has Devolution Changed the “British Policy Style”?’, British Politics, vol. 3, no. 3, pp. 350–372, Sep. 2008, doi: 10.1057/bp.2008.15.

[388]
P. Cairney and G. Jordan, ‘Theories of the policy process: What is British and what is universal? A polite reply to Marsh and McCaffrie’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 4, pp. 486–492, Dec. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2015.32.

[389]
J. CLIFTON, ‘Beyond Hollowing Out: Straitjacketing the State’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 85, no. 4, pp. 437–444, Oct. 2014, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12123.

[390]
Denham, A, ‘Influence without responsibility? Think-tanks in Britain’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 52, no. 1, pp. 46–57, doi: 10.1093/pa/52.1.46.

[391]
A. DENHAM and M. GARNETT, ‘“What Works”? British Think Tanks and the “End of Ideology”’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 77, no. 2, pp. 156–165, Apr. 2006, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2006.00758.x.

[392]
K. Dommett, A. Hindmoor, and M. Wood, ‘Who meets whom: Access and lobbying during the coalition years’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 19, no. 2, pp. 389–407, May 2017, doi: 10.1177/1369148117701755.

[393]
W. Grant, ‘Pressure Politics: The Changing World of Pressure Groups’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 57, no. 2, pp. 408–419, Apr. 2004, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsh033.

[394]
C. Hay and D. Richards, ‘The Tangled Webs of Westminster and Whitehall: The Discourse, Strategy and Practice of Networking Within the British Core Executive’, Public Administration, vol. 78, no. 1, pp. 1–28, Jan. 2000, doi: 10.1111/1467-9299.00190.

[395]
H. Pautz, ‘New Labour in government: Think-tanks and social policy reform, 1997–2001’, British Politics, vol. 6, no. 2, pp. 187–209, Jun. 2011, doi: 10.1057/bp.2011.9.

[396]
H. Pautz, ‘The Think Tanks behind “Cameronism”’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 15, no. 3, pp. 362–377, Aug. 2013, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856X.2012.00518.x.

[397]
S. JAMES, ‘THE IDEA BROKERS: THE IMPACT OF THINK TANKS ON BRITISH GOVERNMENT’, Public Administration, vol. 71, no. 4, pp. 491–506, Dec. 1993, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9299.1993.tb00988.x.

[398]
G. Jordan and P. Cairney, ‘What is the “dominant model” of British policymaking? Comparing majoritarian and policy community ideas’, British Politics, vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 233–259, Sep. 2013, doi: 10.1057/bp.2013.5.

[399]
W. Leggett, ‘The analytical and political limits to “interpreting” governance’, British Politics, vol. 6, no. 2, pp. 241–251, Jun. 2011, doi: 10.1057/bp.2011.12.

[400]
D. Marsh and B. McCaffrie, ‘One cheer for Jordan and Cairney: Taking the governance literature seriously’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 4, pp. 475–485, Dec. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2015.31.

[401]
G. MULGAN, ‘Thinking in Tanks: The Changing Ecology of Political Ideas’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 77, no. 2, pp. 147–155, Apr. 2006, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2006.00757.x.

[402]
M. Smith and R. Jones, ‘From big society to small state: Conservatism and the privatisation of government’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 226–248, Jun. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2015.23.

[403]
M. Vannoni, ‘The (un)heavenly chorus in British politics: Bringing the what, the when and the how questions into the analysis of interest group influence’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 3, pp. 378–388, Sep. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2015.6.

[404]
D. WALKER, ‘Quangos-Why Bother Counting Them When Whitehall Can’t?’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 85, no. 2, pp. 153–158, Apr. 2014, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12084.

[405]
K. Dommett and M. Flinders, ‘The centre strikes back: meta-governance, delegation, and the core executive in the United Kingdom, 2010–14’, Public Administration, vol. 93, no. 1, pp. 1–16, 2015, doi: 10.1111/padm.12121.

[406]
R. A. W. Rhodes, ‘The New Governance: Governing without Government’, Political Studies, vol. 44, no. 4, pp. 652–667, Sep. 1996, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.1996.tb01747.x.

[407]
R. A. W. Rhodes, ‘The New Governance’, in Network governance and the differentiated polity: selected essays, Volume I, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017 [Online]. Available: http://www.oup.com/view/10.1093/oso/9780198786108.001.0001/oso-9780198786108-chapter-10

[408]
P. Whiteley, H. D. Clarke, D. Sanders, and M. Stewart, ‘Why Do Voters Lose Trust in Governments? Public Perceptions of Government Honesty and Trustworthiness in Britain 2000–2013’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 18, no. 1, pp. 234–254, Feb. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-856X.12073.

[409]
J. Bartle, S. D. Avellaneda, and A. McGann, ‘Policy accommodation versus electoral turnover: policy representation in Britain, 1945–2015’, Journal of Public Policy, pp. 1–31, Apr. 2018, doi: 10.1017/S0143814X18000090.

[410]
M. Flinders and M. Wood, ‘When Politics Fails: Hyper-Democracy and Hyper-Depoliticization’, New Political Science, vol. 37, no. 3, pp. 363–381, Jul. 2015, doi: 10.1080/07393148.2015.1056431.

[411]
M. Flinders and M. Wood, ‘Depoliticisation, governance and the state’, Policy & Politics, vol. 42, no. 2, pp. 135–149, Apr. 2014, doi: 10.1332/030557312X655873.

[412]
K. Dommett, M. Flinders, C. Skelcher, and K. Tonkiss, ‘Did they “Read Before Burning”? The Coalition and Quangos’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 85, no. 2, pp. 133–142, 2014, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12072.

[413]
N. T. Gavin, ‘Media definitely matter: Brexit, immigration, climate change and beyond’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 20, no. 4, pp. 827–845, 2018, doi: 10.1177/1369148118799260.

[414]
Negrine, R. M., ‘“Mr Malik, to Represent the People of Dewsbury Do You Need a £2600 Cinema System Paid for by the Taxpayer?” An Analysis of British Television News Coverage of the 2009 MPs ‘Expenses Scandal’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 68, no. 3, pp. 573–591, 2015, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsu009.

[415]
M. Russell, ‘Must Politics Disappoint?’ Fabian Society: London, pp. 27–34, 2005 [Online]. Available: https://www.fabians.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/MustPoliticsDisappoint.pdf

[416]
‘Tony Blair Reuters Speech on Public Life (Part 1)’. [Online]. Available: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LxXv_KK-AnE

[417]
‘Tony Blair Reuters Speech on Public Life (Part 2)’. [Online]. Available: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2yf9mrV5-P8

[418]
‘Tony Blair’s “Media” Speech: The Prime Minister’s Reuters Speech on Public Life’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 78, no. 4, pp. 476–487, 2007, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00877.x.

[419]
J. Seaton, ‘Feral Beasts: An Introduction to Tony Blair’s Reuters Speech on the Media’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 78, no. 4, pp. 471–475, 2007, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00891.x.

[420]
P. Riddell et al., ‘Tony Blair’s “Media” Speech: The Commentators’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 78, no. 4, pp. 488–498, 2007, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00878.x.

[421]
L. J. Pruitt, ‘Closed due to “flooding”? UK media representations of refugees and migrants in 2015–2016 – creating a crisis of borders’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 21, no. 2, pp. 383–402, May 2019, doi: 10.1177/1369148119830592.

[422]
H. Margetts, ‘Why Social Media May Have Won the 2017 General Election’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 3, pp. 386–390, Jul. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12408.

[423]
D. Deacon and D. Wring, ‘The UK Independence Party, populism and the British news media: Competition, collaboration or containment?’, European Journal of Communication, vol. 31, no. 2, pp. 169–184, Apr. 2016, doi: 10.1177/0267323115612215.

[424]
I. GABER, ‘The “Othering” of “Red Ed”, or How the “Framed” the British Labour Leader’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 85, no. 4, pp. 471–479, Oct. 2014, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12114.

[425]
J. H. Aldrich, R. K. Gibson, M. Cantijoch, and T. Konitzer, ‘Getting out the vote in the social media era’, Party Politics, vol. 22, no. 2, pp. 165–178, Mar. 2016, doi: 10.1177/1354068815605304.

[426]
T. Bale and K. Sanders, ‘“Playing by the Book”: Success and Failure in John Major’s Approach to Prime Ministerial Media Management’, Contemporary British History, vol. 15, no. 4, pp. 93–110, Dec. 2001, doi: 10.1080/713999434.

[427]
S. BARNETT, ‘Leveson Past, Present and Future: The Politics of Press Regulation’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 84, no. 3, pp. 353–361, Oct. 2013, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2013.12033.x.

[428]
S. BARNETT and J. SEATON, ‘Why the BBC Matters: Memo to the New Parliament about a Unique British Institution’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 81, no. 3, pp. 327–332, Jul. 2010, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2010.02117.x.

[429]
J. Bartle, ‘The Press, Television, and the Internet’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 58, no. 4, pp. 699–711, Oct. 2005, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsi059.

[430]
P. Burnap, R. Gibson, L. Sloan, R. Southern, and M. Williams, ‘140 characters to victory?: Using Twitter to predict the UK 2015 General Election’, Electoral Studies, vol. 41, pp. 230–233, Mar. 2016, doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2015.11.017.

[431]
J. Brassett and A. Sutton, ‘British satire, everyday politics: Chris Morris, Armando Iannucci and Charlie Brooker’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 19, no. 2, pp. 245–262, May 2017, doi: 10.1177/1369148117700147.

[432]
Cammaerts, Bart, ‘Journalistic representations of Jeremy Corbyn in the British Press: from “watchdog” to “attackdog”’. The London School of Economics and Political Science [Online]. Available: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/67211/1/CAmmaerts_Journalistic%20representations%20of%20Jeremy%20Corbyn_Author_2016.pdf

[433]
S. Cushion, R. Thomas, and O. Ellis, ‘Interpreting UKIP’s “Earthquake” in British Politics: UK Television News Coverage of the 2009 and 2014 EU Election Campaigns’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 86, no. 2, pp. 314–322, Apr. 2015, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12169.

[434]
S. Davidson, S. Elstub, R. Johns, and A. Stark, ‘Rating the debates: The 2010 UK party leaders’ debates and political communication in the deliberative system’, British Politics, vol. 12, no. 2, pp. 183–208, May 2017, doi: 10.1057/s41293-016-0021-9.

[435]
D. Deacon, D. Wring, and P. Golding, ‘Same Campaign, Differing Agendas: Analysing News Media Coverage of the 2005 General Election’, British Politics, vol. 1, no. 2, pp. 222–256, Jul. 2006, doi: 10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200020.

[436]
M. Dekavalla and A. Jelen-Sanchez, ‘Whose voices are heard in the news? A study of sources in television coverage of the Scottish independence referendum’, British Politics, vol. 12, no. 4, pp. 449–472, Nov. 2017, doi: 10.1057/s41293-016-0026-4.

[437]
N. Fenton, ‘Post-Democracy, Press, Politics and Power’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 1, pp. 81–85, Jan. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12207.

[438]
I. Gaber, ‘Government by spin: an analysis of the process’, Media, Culture & Society, vol. 22, no. 4, pp. 507–518, Jul. 2000, doi: 10.1177/016344300022004008.

[439]
I. Gaber, ‘“Dislocated and Distracted”: Media, Parties and the Voters in the 2005 General Election Campaign’, British Politics, vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 344–366, Nov. 2006, doi: 10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200026.

[440]
I. Gaber, ‘Alastair Campbell, exit stage left: Do the “Phillis” recommendations represent a new chapter in political communications or is it “business as usual”?’, Journal of Public Affairs, vol. 4, no. 4, pp. 365–373 [Online]. Available: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=bth&AN=15053453&site=ehost-live

[441]
V. Gibbons, ‘Public Perceptions of the Media’s Reporting of Politics Today’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 2, pp. 369–376, Apr. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsq001.

[442]
D. C. Grube, ‘Back to the Future: Rediscovering the Lost Arts of the Victorian Mandarin’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 69, no. 3, pp. 708–728, Jul. 2016, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv052.

[443]
G. Hassan, ‘Minority Interest Nation: The Changing Contours of Reporting Scotland on BBC and STV’, The Political Quarterly, Aug. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12397.

[444]
D. Jackson, ‘Political communication in Britain: The leader debates, the campaign and the media in the 2010 general election’, British Politics, vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 384–386, Sep. 2013, doi: 10.1057/bp.2013.15.

[445]
J. Lloyd, ‘Regulate Yourself’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 86, no. 3, pp. 393–402, Jul. 2015, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12189.

[446]
D. McKnight, ‘Rupert Murdoch’s News Corporation: A Media Institution with A Mission’, Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television, vol. 30, no. 3, pp. 303–316, Sep. 2010, doi: 10.1080/01439685.2010.505021.

[447]
M. Moore, ‘Facebook, the Conservatives and the Risk to Fair and Open Elections in the UK’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 3, pp. 424–430, Jul. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12291.

[448]
Newman, Nic, ‘Social Media in the Changing Ecology of News: The Fourth and Fifth Estate in Britain’, International Journal of Internet Science, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 6–22 [Online]. Available: http://www.ijis.net/ijis7_1/ijis7_1_newman_et_al.pdf

[449]
K. NEWTON, ‘May the weak force be with you: The power of the mass media in modern politics’, European Journal of Political Research, vol. 45, no. 2, pp. 209–234, Mar. 2006, doi: 10.1111/j.1475-6765.2006.00296.x.

[450]
K. Newton, ‘Public Service and Commercial Broadcasting: Impacts on Politics and Society’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 1, pp. 31–38, Jan. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12214.

[451]
P. Norris, ‘Did the Media Matter? Agenda-Setting, Persuasion and Mobilization Effects in the British General Election Campaign’, British Politics, vol. 1, no. 2, pp. 195–221, Jul. 2006, doi: 10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200022.

[452]
A. Renwick and M. Lamb, ‘The quality of referendum debate: The UK’s electoral system referendum in the print media’, Electoral Studies, vol. 32, no. 2, pp. 294–304, Jun. 2013, doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2012.10.013.

[453]
D. Richards and M. J. Smith, ‘In Defence of British Politics Against the British Political Tradition’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 86, no. 1, pp. 41–51, Jan. 2015, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12137.

[454]
Riddell, Peter, ‘The Rise of the Ranters: Saving Political Journalism’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 76, no. 1, pp. 70–79, 2005, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2006.00749.x.

[455]
S. Ringen, ‘Why the British Press is Brilliant’, British Journalism Review, vol. 14, no. 3, pp. 31–37, Sep. 2003, doi: 10.1177/09564748030143007.

[456]
K. Ross, E. Evans, L. Harrison, M. Shears, and K. Wadia, ‘The Gender of News and News of Gender’, The International Journal of Press/Politics, vol. 18, no. 1, pp. 3–20, Jan. 2013, doi: 10.1177/1940161212457814.

[457]
R. Scullion, D. Jackson, and M. Molesworth, ‘Performance, Politics, and Media: How the 2010 British General Election Leadership Debates Generated "Talk” Among the Electorate’, Journal of Political Marketing, vol. 12, no. 2–3, pp. 226–243, Apr. 2013, doi: 10.1080/15377857.2013.781476.

[458]
T. Quinn, ‘Spin doctors and political news management: A rational-choice “exchange” analysis’, British Politics, vol. 7, no. 3, pp. 272–300, Sep. 2012, doi: 10.1057/bp.2012.6.

[459]
‘Understanding Labour’s ingenious campaign strategy on Facebook | British Politics and Policy at LSE’. [Online]. Available: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/explaining-labours-facebook-success/

[460]
D. Wring and S. Ward, ‘Exit Velocity: The Media Election’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 68, no. suppl 1, pp. 224–240, Sep. 2015, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsv037.

[461]
D. Wring and D. Deacon, ‘Patterns of press partisanship in the 2010 General Election’, British Politics, vol. 5, no. 4, pp. 436–454, Dec. 2010, doi: 10.1057/bp.2010.18.

[462]
A. Chadwick, C. Vaccari, and B. O’Loughlin, ‘Do tabloids poison the well of social media? Explaining democratically dysfunctional news sharing’, New Media & Society, vol. 20, no. 11, pp. 4255–4274, Nov. 2018, doi: 10.1177/1461444818769689.

[463]
S. Barnett, ‘Will a Crisis in Journalism Provoke a Crisis in Democracy?’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 73, no. 4, pp. 400–408, Oct. 2002, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.00494.

[464]
E. Dubois and G. Blank, ‘The echo chamber is overstated: the moderating effect of political interest and diverse media’, Information, Communication & Society, vol. 21, no. 5, pp. 729–745, May 2018, doi: 10.1080/1369118X.2018.1428656.

[465]
Nick Clarke, ‘The rise of anti-politics in Britain’, 2016 [Online]. Available: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/303496664_The_rise_of_anti-politics_in_Britain

[466]
J. Murphy and D. Devine, ‘Does Media Coverage Drive Public Support for UKIP or Does Public Support for UKIP Drive Media Coverage?’, British Journal of Political Science, pp. 1–18, Jul. 2018, doi: 10.1017/S0007123418000145.

[467]
S. Cushion and C. Beckett, ‘Campaign Coverage and Editorial Judgements’, in The British general election of 2017, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.

[468]
D. Wring and D. Deacon, ‘A Bad Press: Newspapers’, in The British general election of 2017, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.

[469]
‘Audit 2017: How well does the UK’s media system sustain democratic politics? : Democratic Audit’. [Online]. Available: http://www.democraticaudit.com/2017/08/04/audit-2017-how-well-does-the-uks-media-system-sustain-democratic-politics/

[470]
P. Baker, C. Gabrielatos, and T. McEnery, ‘Sketching Muslims: A Corpus Driven Analysis of Representations Around the Word “Muslim” in the British Press 1998-2009’, Applied Linguistics, vol. 34, no. 3, pp. 255–278, Jul. 2013, doi: 10.1093/applin/ams048.

[471]
‘Russian Involvement and Junk News during Brexit – The Computational Propaganda Project’. [Online]. Available: https://comprop.oii.ox.ac.uk/research/working-papers/russia-and-brexit/

[472]
‘Social Media and News Sources during the 2017 UK General Election — Oxford Internet Institute’. [Online]. Available: https://www.oii.ox.ac.uk/blog/social-media-and-news-sources-during-the-2017-uk-general-election/

[473]
J. Morrison, ‘Re-framing free movement in the countdown to Brexit? Shifting UK press portrayals of EU migrants in the wake of the referendum’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Jun. 2019, doi: 10.1177/1369148119851385.

[474]
J. Curtice, ‘A Stronger or Weaker Union? Public Reactions to Asymmetric Devolution in the United Kingdom’, Publius: The Journal of Federalism, vol. 36, no. 1, pp. 95–113, Jan. 2006, doi: 10.1093/publius/pjj006.

[475]
A. Mycock and R. Hayton, ‘The Party Politics of Englishness’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 16, no. 2, pp. 251–272, 2014, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856X.2012.00543.x.

[476]
A. Aughey, ‘Anxiety and injustice: the anatomy of contemporary English nationalism*’, Nations and Nationalism, vol. 16, no. 3, pp. 506–524, Jun. 2010, doi: 10.1111/j.1469-8129.2009.00422.x.

[477]
M. Keating, ‘Brexit and Devolution in the United Kingdom’, Politics and Governance, vol. 5, no. 2, Mar. 2017, doi: 10.17645/pag.v5i2.920.

[478]
J. Denham, ‘The Anglicisation of English politics - Demos Quarterly’. [Online]. Available: https://quarterly.demos.co.uk/article/issue-6/on-devolving-power/

[479]
B. Crawford, ‘Ten Years of Devolution’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 1, pp. 89–97, Jan. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsp051.

[480]
E. Cox, ‘Devolution in England-Is the Genie out of the Lamp?’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 4, pp. 565–571, Oct. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12290.

[481]
P. Cairney, ‘The Scottish Independence Referendum: What are the Implications of a No Vote?’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 86, no. 2, pp. 186–191, Apr. 2015, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12153.

[482]
C. Copus, ‘English national parties in post-devolution UK’, British Politics, vol. 4, no. 3, pp. 363–385, Sep. 2009, doi: 10.1057/bp.2009.12.

[483]
Bradbury, Jonathan, ‘Devolution: between governance and territorial politics’, Parliamentary affairs, vol. 58, no. 2, pp. 287–302, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsi023.

[484]
A. Greer, ‘Brexit and Devolution’, The Political Quarterly, Nov. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12442.

[485]
D. Kenealy and R. Parry, ‘Devolution Commissions in the shadow of Whitehall: the Smith Commission and the creation of a “Powerhouse Parliament”’, British Politics, Nov. 2017, doi: 10.1057/s41293-017-0063-7.

[486]
R. Hazell, ‘The Continuing Dynamism of Constitutional Reform 1’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 60, no. 1, pp. 3–25, Jan. 2007, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsl056.

[487]
R. Hazell and M. Sandford, ‘English Question or Union Question? Neither has Easy Answers’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 86, no. 1, pp. 16–23, Jan. 2015, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12132.

[488]
Hazell, R, ‘The British constitution in 1997-98: Labour’s constitutional revolution’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 52, no. 2, pp. 161–178, doi: 10.1093/pa/52.2.161.

[489]
‘Table of Contents’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 3, pp. 307–308, Jul. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12305.

[490]
C. Jeffrey, ‘Devolution and the Lopsided State’, in Developments in British politics 8, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

[491]
C. Jeffery, ‘Constitutional Change-Without End?’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 86, no. 2, pp. 275–278, Apr. 2015, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12158.

[492]
A. King, ‘John Bull’s Other Lands’, in The British constitution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009 [Online]. Available: https://bris.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576982.001.0001

[493]
D. McCRONE, ‘Scotland Out the Union? The Rise and Rise of the Nationalist Agenda’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 83, no. 1, pp. 69–76, Jan. 2012, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2012.02262.x.

[494]
F. Matthews, ‘Whose Mandate is it Anyway? Brexit, the Constitution and the Contestation of Authority’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 4, pp. 603–611, Oct. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12419.

[495]
N. Mcewen and B. Petersohn, ‘Between Autonomy and Interdependence: The Challenges of Shared Rule after the Scottish Referendum’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 86, no. 2, pp. 192–200, Apr. 2015, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12162.

[496]
C. McGrattan and S. Williams, ‘Devolution and identity: Multidirectionality in “Welshness” and “Northern Irishness”’, Regional & Federal Studies, vol. 27, no. 4, pp. 465–482, Aug. 2017, doi: 10.1080/13597566.2017.1355787.

[497]
J. Mitchell, ‘Devolution: ten years on’, Parliamentary affairs, vol. 63, no. 1, pp. 85–172 [Online]. Available: https://academic.oup.com/pa/issue/63/1

[498]
J. Mitchell, ‘The Westminster Model and the State of Unions’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 1, pp. 85–88, Jan. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsp052.

[499]
D. MacKinnon, ‘Devolution, state restructuring and policy divergence in the UK’, The Geographical Journal, vol. 181, no. 1, pp. 47–56, Mar. 2015, doi: 10.1111/geoj.12057.

[500]
A. Trench, ‘Devolution in the Round: Can Britain Continue to Muddle Through?’, Political Insight, vol. 5, no. 3, pp. 4–7, Dec. 2014, doi: 10.1111/2041-9066.12066.

[501]
G. Baldini, ‘Devolution and Scottish Politics Ten Years on’, Government and Opposition, vol. 48, no. 01, pp. 127–145, Jan. 2013, doi: 10.1017/gov.2012.2.

[502]
A. Mycock, ‘The Politics of England’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 4, pp. 534–545, Oct. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12283.

[503]
K. Meagher, ‘Could Brexit Break up the UK?’, Political Insight, vol. 8, no. 1, pp. 16–19, Apr. 2017, doi: 10.1177/2041905817702732.

[504]
J. SEATON, ‘Preserving Curious Institutions’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 78, no. 4, pp. 568–576, Oct. 2007, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00885.x.

[505]
M. Stewart Leith, ‘Governance and Identity in a Devolved Scotland’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 2, pp. 286–301, Apr. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsp032.

[506]
K. Kumar, ‘Nation and Empire: English and British National Identity in Comparative Perspective’’, Theory and Society, vol. 29, no. 5, pp. 575–608, 2000, doi: 10.1023/A:1026550830748.

[507]
J. Bradbury and R. Andrews, ‘State Devolution and National Identity: Continuity and Change in the Politics of Welshness and Britishness in Wales’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 63, no. 2, pp. 229–249, Apr. 2010, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsp029.

[508]
S. CONDOR, ‘Devolution and national identity: the rules of English (dis)engagement’, Nations and Nationalism, vol. 16, no. 3, pp. 525–543, Jun. 2010, doi: 10.1111/j.1469-8129.2010.00441.x.

[509]
R. HAYTON, R. ENGLISH, and M. KENNY, ‘Englishness in Contemporary British Politics’, Political Quarterly, vol. 78, pp. 122–135, Sep. 2007, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.02025.x.

[510]
R. Wyn-Jones et al., ‘England and its Two Union: the anatomy of a nation and its discontents’. 2013 [Online]. Available: https://www.ippr.org/files/images/media/files/publication/2013/07/england-two-unions_Jul2013_11003.pdf

[511]
A. Mycock, ‘The Politics of England’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 4, pp. 534–545, Oct. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12283.

[512]
C. Jeffery, A. Henderson, R. Scully, and R. Wyn Jones, ‘England’s Dissatisfactions and the Conservative Dilemma’, Political Studies Review, vol. 14, no. 3, pp. 335–348, Aug. 2016, doi: 10.1177/1478929916649617.

[513]
C. Jeffery, R. Wyn Jones, A. Henderson, R. Scully, and G. Lodge, ‘Taking England Seriously: the New English Politics’. 2014 [Online]. Available: https://www.centreonconstitutionalchange.ac.uk/sites/default/files/news/Taking%20England%20Seriously_The%20New%20English%20Politics.pdf

[514]
S. Ayres, M. Flinders, and M. Sandford, ‘Territory, power and statecraft: understanding English devolution’, Regional Studies, vol. 52, no. 6, pp. 853–864, Jun. 2018, doi: 10.1080/00343404.2017.1360486.

[515]
M. Flinders, ‘Devolution, delegation and the Westminster Model: a comparative analysis of developments within the UK, 1998–2009’, Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, vol. 49, no. 1, pp. 1–28, Feb. 2011, doi: 10.1080/14662043.2011.541109.

[516]
A. Henderson, ‘Brexit, the Union, and the Future of England’, Political Insight, vol. 9, no. 4, pp. 32–35, 2018, doi: 10.1177/2041905818815196.

[517]
D. Blunkett, M. Flinders, and B. Prosser, ‘Devolution, Evolution, Revolution … Democracy? What’s Really Happening to English Local Governance?’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 4, pp. 553–564, Oct. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12282.

[518]
‘As devolution has progressed the centre has failed to imagine a new rationale for the union | The Constitution Unit Blog’. [Online]. Available: https://constitution-unit.com/2015/10/06/as-devolution-has-progressed-the-centre-has-failed-to-imagine-a-new-rationale-for-the-union/

[519]
A. Trench, ‘Devolution in the Round: Can Britain Continue to Muddle Through?’, Political Insight, vol. 5, no. 3, pp. 4–7, Dec. 2014, doi: 10.1111/2041-9066.12066.

[520]
‘A nation divided? The identities, politics and governance of England | openDemocracy’. [Online]. Available: https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk/john-denham/nation-divided-identities-politics-and-governance-of-england

[521]
‘Brexit and the territorial constitution: déjà vu all over again? | The Constitution Unit Blog’. [Online]. Available: https://constitution-unit.com/2018/09/11/brexit-and-the-territorial-constitution-deja-vu-all-over-again/

[522]
J. Willett and A. Giovannini, ‘The Uneven Path of UK Devolution: Top-Down vs. Bottom-Up Regionalism in England – Cornwall and the North-East Compared’, Political Studies, vol. 62, no. 2, pp. 343–360, Jun. 2014, doi: 10.1111/1467-9248.12030.

[523]
‘Renewal | Michael Kenny | Rise now and be a nation again? The politics of Englishness’. [Online]. Available: http://www.renewal.org.uk/articles/the-politics-of-english-nationhood/

[524]
T. Bale, ‘Who leads and who follows? The symbiotic relationship between UKIP and the Conservatives – and populism and Euroscepticism’, Politics, vol. 38, no. 3, pp. 263–277, Aug. 2018, doi: 10.1177/0263395718754718.

[525]
W. Jennings and M. Lodge, ‘Brexit, the tides and Canute: the fracturing politics of the British state’, Journal of European Public Policy, pp. 1–18, 2018, doi: 10.1080/13501763.2018.1478876.

[526]
D. Richards, P. Diamond, and A. Wager, ‘Westminster’s Brexit Paradox: The contingency of the “old” versus “new” politics’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 21, no. 2, pp. 330–348, May 2019, doi: 10.1177/1369148119830009.

[527]
J. Curtice, ‘Why Leave Won the UK’s EU Referendum’, JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 55, pp. 19–37, Sep. 2017, doi: 10.1111/jcms.12613.

[528]
G. Evans, N. Carl, and J. Dennison, ‘Brexit: the causes and consequences of Britain’s decision to leave the EU’, in Europe’s crises, M. Castells, Ed. Cambridge: Polity, 2018, pp. 380–404 [Online]. Available: https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/bristol/detail.action?docID=5188194

[529]
M. Brusenbauch Meislova, ‘All things to all people? Discursive patterns on UK–EU relationship in David Cameron’s speeches’, British Politics, Apr. 2018, doi: 10.1057/s41293-018-0088-6.

[530]
K. Hickson and J. Miles, ‘Social democratic Euroscepticism: Labour’s neglected tradition’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 20, no. 4, pp. 864–879, Nov. 2018, doi: 10.1177/1369148118787148.

[531]
B. Seyd, J. Curtice, and J. Rose, ‘How might reform of the political system appeal to discontented citizens?’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 20, no. 2, pp. 263–284, May 2018, doi: 10.1177/1369148117736189.

[532]
M. Ø. Eaton, ‘“We are all children of the commonwealth”: political myth, metaphor and the transnational commonwealth “family of nations” in Brexit discourse’, British Politics, Apr. 2019, doi: 10.1057/s41293-019-00117-4.

[533]
M. Kenny and N. Pearce, ‘Brexit and the “Anglosphere”’, Political Insight, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 7–9, Jun. 2019, doi: 10.1177/2041905819854308.

[534]
S. B. Hobolt, ‘The Brexit vote: a divided nation, a divided continent’, Journal of European Public Policy, vol. 23, no. 9, pp. 1259–1277, 2016, doi: 10.1080/13501763.2016.1225785.

[535]
H. Thompson, ‘Inevitability and contingency: The political economy of Brexit’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 19, no. 3, pp. 434–449, Aug. 2017, doi: 10.1177/1369148117710431.

[536]
A. Henderson, C. Jeffery, D. Wincott, and R. Wyn Jones, ‘How Brexit was made in England’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 19, no. 4, pp. 631–646, Nov. 2017, doi: 10.1177/1369148117730542.

[537]
D. Baker and P. Schnapper, Britain and the crisis of the European Union. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

[538]
D. Baker, ‘Britain and Europe: Europe and/or America?’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 57, no. 2, pp. 347–365, Apr. 2004, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsh029.

[539]
H. D. Clarke, M. Goodwin, and P. Whiteley, ‘Why Britain Voted for Brexit: An Individual-Level Analysis of the 2016 Referendum Vote’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 70, no. 3, pp. 439–464, Jul. 2017, doi: 10.1093/pa/gsx005.

[540]
N. Copsey and T. Haughton, ‘Farewell Britannia? “Issue Capture” and the Politics of David Cameron’s 2013 EU Referendum Pledge’, JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 52, pp. 74–89, Sep. 2014, doi: 10.1111/jcms.12177.

[541]
J. Curtice, ‘A Question of Culture or Economics? Public Attitudes to the European Union in Britain’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 2, pp. 209–218, Apr. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12250.

[542]
O. Daddow, ‘Margaret Thatcher, Tony Blair and the Eurosceptic Tradition in Britain’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 15, no. 2, pp. 210–227, May 2013, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856X.2012.00534.x.

[543]
A. Dodds, ‘Why People Voted to Leave and What to Do Now: A View from the Doorstep’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 3, pp. 360–364, Jul. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12294.

[544]
Elliott, M, ‘United Kingdom: Parliamentary sovereignty under pressure’, Icon-International Journal Of Constitutional Law, vol. 2, no. 3, pp. 545–554 [Online]. Available: http://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/injcl2&i=553

[545]
A. Evans, ‘Planning for Brexit: the Case of the 1975 Referendum’, The Political Quarterly, Aug. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12412.

[546]
G. Evans and A. Menon, Brexit and British politics. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2017.

[547]
C. Fontana and C. Parsons, ‘“One Woman’s Prejudice”: Did Margaret Thatcher Cause Britain’s Anti-Europeanism?’, JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 53, no. 1, pp. 89–105, Jan. 2015, doi: 10.1111/jcms.12205.

[548]
Ford, Robert, ‘A Nation Divided’, Journal of Democracy, vol. 28, no. 1, pp. 17–30, doi: 10.1353/jod.2017.0002.

[549]
S. Fox and S. Pearce, ‘The generational decay of Euroscepticism in the UK and the EU referendum’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, pp. 1–19, Sep. 2017, doi: 10.1080/17457289.2017.1371180.

[550]
C. Gifford, ‘Nationalism, populism and Anglo-British Euroscepticism’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 3, pp. 362–366, Sep. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2015.2.

[551]
A. Glencross, ‘Going it Alone? The Choice of Political Union in British Politics’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 86, no. 4, pp. 555–562, Oct. 2015, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12199.

[552]
M. J. Goodwin and O. Heath, ‘The 2016 Referendum, Brexit and the Left Behind: An Aggregate-level Analysis of the Result’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 3, pp. 323–332, Jul. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12285.

[553]
M. Goodwin and C. Milazzo, ‘Taking back control? Investigating the role of immigration in the 2016 vote for Brexit’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 19, no. 3, pp. 450–464, Aug. 2017, doi: 10.1177/1369148117710799.

[554]
C. Gormley-Heenan and A. Aughey, ‘Northern Ireland and Brexit: Three effects on “the border in the mind”’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 19, no. 3, pp. 497–511, Aug. 2017, doi: 10.1177/1369148117711060.

[555]
C. Hanretty, ‘Areal interpolation and the UK’s referendum on EU membership’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, vol. 27, no. 4, pp. 466–483, Oct. 2017, doi: 10.1080/17457289.2017.1287081.

[556]
A. Henderson, C. Jeffery, R. Liñeira, R. Scully, D. Wincott, and R. Wyn Jones, ‘England, Englishness and Brexit’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 2, pp. 187–199, Apr. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12262.

[557]
R. Minto, J. Hunt, M. Keating, and L. Mcgowan, ‘A Changing UK in a Changing Europe: The UK State between European Union and Devolution’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 2, pp. 179–186, Apr. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12260.

[558]
M. Kenny, ‘The Return of “Englishness” in British Political Culture - The End of the Unions?’, JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 53, no. 1, pp. 35–51, Jan. 2015, doi: 10.1111/jcms.12203.

[559]
A. King, ‘Britain’s Near Abroad’, in The British constitution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009 [Online]. Available: https://bris.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576982.001.0001

[560]
P. Lynch, ‘Conservative modernisation and European integration: From silence to salience and schism’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 185–203, Jun. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2015.17.

[561]
P. Lynch and R. Whitaker, ‘Rivalry on the right: The Conservatives, the UK Independence Party (UKIP) and the EU issue’, British Politics, vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 285–312, Sep. 2013, doi: 10.1057/bp.2012.29.

[562]
P. Lynch and R. Whitaker, ‘Where There is Discord, Can They Bring Harmony? Managing Intra-Party Dissent on European Integration in the Conservative Party’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 15, no. 3, pp. 317–339, Aug. 2013, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-856X.2012.00526.x.

[563]
M. Kenny, ‘Back to the populist future?: understanding nostalgia in contemporary ideological discourse’, Journal of Political Ideologies, vol. 22, no. 3, pp. 256–273, Sep. 2017, doi: 10.1080/13569317.2017.1346773.

[564]
M. Kenny, ‘The origins and drivers of English nationhood’, British Politics, vol. 10, no. 3, pp. 356–361, Sep. 2015, doi: 10.1057/bp.2014.29.

[565]
D. Mabbett, ‘The Divided Tories’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 2, pp. 133–135, Apr. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12251.

[566]
C. Mathieu, ‘Attempting, valiantly, to explain the Brexit mess’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 4, pp. 741–743, Oct. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12430.

[567]
A. McHarg and J. Mitchell, ‘Brexit and Scotland’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 19, no. 3, pp. 512–526, Aug. 2017, doi: 10.1177/1369148117711674.

[568]
A. Menon, R. Minto, and D. Wincott, ‘Introduction: The UK and the European Union’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 2, pp. 174–178, Apr. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12266.

[569]
R. Saunders, ‘A Tale of Two Referendums: 1975 and 2016’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 3, pp. 318–322, Jul. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12286.

[570]
J. Tonge, ‘The Impact of Withdrawal from the European Union upon Northern Ireland’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 3, pp. 338–342, Jul. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12288.

[571]
S. Usherwood, ‘How has Brexit changed British Euroscepticism?’, Political Insight, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 42–43, Sep. 2017, doi: 10.1177/2041905817726907.

[572]
S. Vasilopoulou, ‘UK Euroscepticism and the Brexit Referendum’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 2, pp. 219–227, Apr. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12258.

[573]
E. Vines, ‘Reframing English Nationalism and Euroscepticism: From populism to the British Political Tradition’, British Politics, vol. 9, no. 3, pp. 255–274, Sep. 2014, doi: 10.1057/bp.2014.3.

[574]
G. K. Wilson, ‘Brexit, Trump and the special relationship’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 19, no. 3, pp. 543–557, Aug. 2017, doi: 10.1177/1369148117713719.

[575]
M. Watson, ‘Brexit, the left behind and the let down: the political abstraction of “the economy” and the UK’s EU referendum’, British Politics, Nov. 2017, doi: 10.1057/s41293-017-0062-8.

[576]
A. Weale, ‘The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 2, pp. 170–181, Apr. 2017, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12338.

[577]
‘English Nationalism and Euroscepticism: A discussion’, British Politics, vol. 11, no. 3, pp. 347–347, Sep. 2016, doi: 10.1057/bp.2015.5.

[578]
P. Whiteley, ‘Why did Britain Vote to Leave the European Union?’, Political Insight, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 38–41, Sep. 2017, doi: 10.1177/2041905817726906.

[579]
J. Richardson, ‘Brexit: The EU Policy-Making State Hits the Populist Buffers’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 89, no. 1, pp. 118–126, Jan. 2018, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12453.

[580]
S. George, ‘Britain: Anatomy of a Eurosceptic state’, Journal of European Integration, vol. 22, no. 1, pp. 15–33, Jan. 2000, doi: 10.1080/07036330008429077.

[581]
N. Carl, J. Dennison, and G. Evans, ‘European but not European enough: An explanation for Brexit’, European Union Politics, Oct. 2018, doi: 10.1177/1465116518802361.

[582]
G. Baldini, E. Bressanelli, and E. Massetti, ‘Who is in Control? Brexit and the Westminster Model’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 89, no. 4, pp. 537–544, Oct. 2018, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12596.

[583]
N. Startin, ‘Have we reached a tipping point? The mainstreaming of Euroscepticism in the UK’, International Political Science Review, vol. 36, no. 3, pp. 311–323, Jun. 2015, doi: 10.1177/0192512115574126.

[584]
R. Ashcroft and M. Bevir, ‘Pluralism, National Identity and Citizenship: Britain after Brexit’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 3, pp. 355–359, Jul. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12293.

[585]
N. Lee, K. Morris, and T. Kemeny, ‘Immobility and the Brexit vote’, Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society, vol. 11, no. 1, pp. 143–163, Mar. 2018, doi: 10.1093/cjres/rsx027.

[586]
L. Antonucci, L. Horvath, Y. Kutiyski, and A. Krouwel, ‘The malaise of the squeezed middle: Challenging the narrative of the “left behind” Brexiter’, Competition & Change, vol. 21, no. 3, pp. 211–229, Jun. 2017, doi: 10.1177/1024529417704135.

[587]
S. Usherwood, ‘The Third Era of British Euroscepticism: Brexit as a Paradigm Shift’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 89, no. 4, pp. 553–559, Oct. 2018, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12598.

[588]
J. Smith, ‘Gambling on Europe: David Cameron and the 2016 referendum’, British Politics, vol. 13, no. 1, pp. 1–16, Apr. 2018, doi: 10.1057/s41293-017-0065-5.

[589]
M. Hall, D. Marsh, and E. Vines, ‘A changing democracy: contemporary challenges to the British political tradition’, Policy Studies, vol. 39, no. 4, pp. 365–382, Jul. 2018, doi: 10.1080/01442872.2018.1451504.

[590]
‘Britain’s Populist Revolt - Quillette’. [Online]. Available: https://quillette.com/2018/08/03/britains-populist-revolt/

[591]
S. Bulmer and M. Burch, ‘The Europeanization of UK Government: from Quiet Revolution to Explicit Step-Change?’, Public Administration, vol. 83, no. 4, pp. 861–890, Dec. 2005, doi: 10.1111/j.0033-3298.2005.00481.x.

[592]
J. Buller, ‘Britain as an Awkward Partner: Reassessing Britain’s Relations with the EU’, Politics, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 33–42, Feb. 1995, doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9256.1995.tb00018.x.

[593]
V. Bogdanor, ‘Europe and the Sovereignty of the People’, The Political Quarterly, vol. 87, no. 3, pp. 348–351, Jul. 2016, doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.12297.

[594]
T. Bale, ‘Who leads and who follows? The symbiotic relationship between UKIP and the Conservatives – and populism and Euroscepticism’, Politics, vol. 38, no. 3, pp. 263–277, Aug. 2018, doi: 10.1177/0263395718754718.

[595]
K. Hickson and J. Miles, ‘Social democratic Euroscepticism: Labour’s neglected tradition’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 20, no. 4, pp. 864–879, Nov. 2018, doi: 10.1177/1369148118787148.

[596]
M. Goodwin, S. Hix, and M. Pickup, ‘For and Against Brexit: A Survey Experiment of the Impact of Campaign Effects on Public Attitudes toward EU Membership’, British Journal of Political Science, pp. 1–15, Feb. 2018, doi: 10.1017/S0007123417000667.

[597]
N. Carl, L. Richards, and A. Heath, ‘Leave and Remain voters’ knowledge of the EU after the referendum of 2016’, Electoral Studies, vol. 57, pp. 90–98, Feb. 2019, doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2018.11.003.

[598]
J. Curtice, ‘Do voters still want to leave the EU? How they view the Brexit process two years on’. [Online]. Available: http://ukandeu.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Do-Voters-Still-Want-to-Leave-the-EU.pdf

[599]
‘A not so awkward partner: the UK has been a champion of many causes in the EU | LSE BREXIT’. [Online]. Available: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/brexit/2016/04/15/a-not-so-awkward-partner-the-uk-has-been-a-champion-of-many-causes-in-the-eu/

[600]
J. Curtice, ‘Buyer’s Remorse: Has Britain Changed Its Mind on Brexit?’, Political Insight, vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 12–15, Mar. 2018, doi: 10.1177/2041905818764700.

[601]
‘How immigration became a Eurosceptic issue’. [Online]. Available: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/brexit/2016/01/05/how-immigration-became-a-eurosceptic-issue/

Bibliography for POLI21222: Politics and Policy-making in the UK BETA